Philip Claeys (VB) European Parliament draws attention to massacres in South Africa


Sinds de bevolking van Zuid-Afrika het apartheidssysteem heeft afgeschaft is de aandacht van de internationale media weggeëbt, maar de situatie voor het Afrikanervolk, ook bekend als de ‘boeren’, is er sindsdien alleen maar op achteruit gegaan.

Sinds 1994 werden meer dan 3.000 blanke boeren vermoord in Zuid-Afrika, vaak in gruwelijke omstandigheden. Groepjes zwarte overvallers rijden naar afgelegen boerderijen en vermoorden mannen, vrouwen, bejaarden en kinderen; het fenomeen staat bekend als ‘plaasmoorde’. Ook de vele aanvallen op boerderijen zonder dodelijk gevolg zorgen voor een klimaat van angst.

De situatie is zo zorgwekkend dat de in Washington gevestigde NGO Genocide Watch in september 2011 de status van Zuid-Afrika verhoogde van fase 5 (polarisatie) naar fase 6 (voorbereiding).

Een hoofdrol in het creëren van die sfeer van angst en geweld is het ANC. Julius Malema, de leider van de ANC-jeugdorganisatie en volgens het zakenblad Forbes één van de invloedrijkste jongeren in Afrika, laat regelmatig het lied “Dubhula iBhunu” (“Kill the Boer”) op bijeenkomsten zingen. Dat jonge zwarten daarna de daad bij het woord voegen hoeft dus niet te verwonderen. Landbouworganisaties klagen dat de aanvallen tegen boerderijen niet ernstig genoeg worden genomen door de politiediensten en de regering.

Europees parlementslid Philip Claeys (Vlaams Belang) neemt nu een internationaal initiatief om deze moordpartijen onder de aandacht te brengen. Hij dient daartoe en schriftelijke verklaring in samen met de Europese parlementsleden Andreas Mölzer van de Oostenrijkse FPÖ en Fiorello Provera van de Italiaanse Lega Nord.

De parlementsleden benadrukken hun bekommernis over het geweld in Zuid-Afrika, ongeacht de etnische afkomst van de slachtoffers; wijzen echter op het systematische karakter van de aanvallen tegen blanke boeren; en verzoeken de Hoog Vertegenwoordiger voor het Buitenlands Beleid de bezorgdheid van het Europees Parlement over te maken aan de regering van Zuid-Afrika, en aan te dringen op maatregelen die de veiligheid bevorderen.

Alle Europese parlementsleden krijgen nu drie maanden de kans om deze blijk van bezorgdheid over de moordpartijen tegen de Afrikaners te onderschrijven. ‘Ik ben bijzonder benieuwd hoeveel ‘strijders tegen apartheid’ nu ook gaan tekenen tegen de misdaden waarvan het Afrikanervolk het slachtoffer is’, aldus Philip Claeys.

Het is niet de eerste keer dat het Vlaams Belang in het Europees Parlement aandacht vraagt voor de moordpartijen tegen de Afrikaners. In september 2010 werd de Zuid-Afrikaanse president Zuma in het parlement kritisch ondervraagd door Philip Claeys. Het videoverslag daarvan is hieronder te zien, alsook een uitvoering van het lied ‘Kill the Boer’ door Malema…

Source – Philip Claeys (VB) vraagt Europees parlement aandacht voor moordpartijen tegen boeren met ‘plaasmoorde’ in Zuid-Afrika

Plaasmoorde wek internasionale aandag


‘n Mosie deur verskeie partye in die Nederlandse Tweede Kamer (Parlement) is in November 2011 met ‘n klein meerderheid verwerp, terwyl die Minister van Buitelandse Sake baie positief was oor die mosie.

Die mosie het veral gefokus op die plaasmoorde in Suid-Afrika en die diskriminasie wat teen die boere van die land plaasvind. Verskeie partye, waaronder die SGP, PVV en Groenlinks het onder andere gepleit dat internasionaal kennis geneem moet word van die plaasmoorde in Suid-Afrika en dat die Nederlandse regering selfs kundigheid moet aanbied om die probleem te help oplos.

Die Sosialiste en Arbeidersparty het die mosie in ‘n stemming laat sneuwel, maar die Minister van Buitelandse Sake, Rosenthal, het verklaar dat hy die mosie “omhels”.

“Al is die mosie afgestem en daar geen hulp aangebied kan word nie, beteken dit tog dat daar toenemend kennis geneem word van die haglike omstandighede waaronder ons boere moet probeer voedselsekerheid handhaaf”, sê TLU SA se president, mnr. Louis Meintjes in reaksie op die gebeure. “TLU SA is verheug daaroor dat daar deurbrake kom in sy aksies om die wêreld se oë op die vergrype teen Suid-Afrikaanse boere te laat fokus. Ons wil nie graag ons vuil wasgoed voor die oë van die internasionale gemeenskap was nie, maar as die Suid-Afrikaanse regering nie self iets aan die saak wil doen nie, het ons geen ander keuse as om die wêreld in te lig en daardeur druk van buite af uit te oefen op die Suid-Afrikaanse regering,” sê mnr. Meintjes. TLU SA sal hierdie aksie van hom voortsit, want die voortdurende moord op die boere kan nie langer stilweg aanvaar word nie.


Farm Murders generate international attention

Whilst a motion by various political parties in the Dutch Lower House (Parliament) was rejected, in November 2011, with a small majority, the Minister of Foreign Affairs was very positive about the motion.

The motion focused on farm murders in South Africa and the discrimination against the SA farmers. Several political parties, including the SGP, PVV and Green Left, among others, advocated that the international community should be made aware of the farm murders in South Africa. They asked the Dutch government to offer expertise to help solving this problem.

The Socialists and the Labour Party voted against the motion, but the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Rosenthal, declared that he “embraced” the motion.

“Allthough the motion had been voted down and no assistance will be offered, it is a fact that international awareness of the appalling conditions under which farmers try to ensure food security, is increasing” said TAU SA president, Mr. Louis Meintjes in response to the events. “TAU SA is pleased that there are breakthroughs in its’ actions to draw attention to the unacceptable circumstances facing South African farmers. We do not want to wash our dirty linen in the international arena but if the South African government does not do anything we have no choice but to inform the world about local conditions and thus mobilize pressure from outside to be brought on the South African government,” said Mr Meintjes. TAU SA will continue with such actions, because the continuing murders of the farmers cannot be accepted.

Source – Farm Murders generate international attention

SA sterftes neem toe


Die sterftesyfer in Suid-Afrika het meer as verdubbel sedert 1985, en geboortesyfers het gedaal, het die Suid-Afrikaanse Instituut vir Rasseverhoudinge (SAIRR), gister gesê.

“In 1985 was daar 1.060.000 geboortes en 259,000 sterftes in Suid-Afrika,” volgens die SAIRR se nuutste SA Survey.

“In 2011 was daar ongeveer dieselfde aantal geboortes as in 1985, maar nog meer as dubbel die aantal sterftes (599,000).”

Geboortes het ‘n hoogtepunt in 1996 bereik, maar het sedertdien afgeneem, en sal na verwagting voortgaan om te verminder.

Volgens data van Statistiek Suid-Afrika, het sterftes as ‘n persentasie van die bevolking van 0,8 persent in 1997 tot 1,2 persent in 2008 toegeneem.

Verder, het die Instituut vir Toekomsnavorsing ‘n geprojekteerde sterftesyfertoename van 17 persent tussen 2010 en 2040 gestel.

Verlede jaar het Stats SA gesê die bevolking word geskat op 50,59 miljoen.

SAIRR het gesê die geboortesyfer in 2011 het afgeneem van 26,1 geboortes per 1000 mense tot 21. Die Aktuariële Vereniging van Suid-Afrika verwag dit sal verder daal tot 18 jaar teen 2025.

Die toenemende sterftesyfer is agv die negatiewe uitwerking van MIV/vigs. Die dalende geboortesyfer weerspieël ‘n internasionale tendens, sê instituutnavorser Thuthukani Ndebele.

Ndebele voel dit is gekoppel aan verbeterde onderwys, lewenstandaarde, en toegang tot geboortebeperking.

“Sterftes beweeg nader aan geboortes teen ‘n vinnige tempo, wat uiteindelik gelei het tot ‘n stadiger bevolkingsgroei,” het Ndebele gesê.

Intussen het die TLU Dinsdag gesê ses boere is vermoor in verskillende dele van die land gedurende Januarie vanjaar.

“Plaasmoorde in Suid-Afrika is hoër hierdie jaar in vergelyking met verlede jaar, toe slegs een boer vermoor is gedurende dieselfde tydperk,” het die algemene bestuurder Bennie van Zyl in ‘n verklaring gesê.

“Dit is onaanvaarbaar … ons het probeer om die regering te oortuig om aksie te neem vir ‘n paar jaar, maar niks is gedoen nie.”

Die vakbond het hierdie week begin met ‘n veldtog om bewustheid oor die plaasmoorde in die land te versprei. Van Zyl het gesê dit is uitgebrei na Europese lande.

Hy beskuldig die regering dat hulle ‘n dowe oor hou vir die vakbond se oproep om te veg teen plaasmoorde. Van Zyl het gesê TLU SA het nie meer enige manier om die boere, wat hy beskryf as die land se voedselprodusente, te beskerm nie.

“Die enigste reaksie wat ons van die regering gekry het toe ons die kwessie van plaasmoorde geopper het, was dat plaasaanvalle nie meer ‘n prioriteit is nie, maar ‘n bekommernis.”

“Slegs 35.000 kommersiële boere bly oor in hierdie land, maar die bydrae wat hulle tot die ekonomie maak, is enorm.”

Die TLU gaan intussen probeer om sy saak in Europa te stel.

Bron – SA sterftes neem toe, MIV/Vigs en plaasmoorde

Countering Violent Extremism


Remarks
Daniel Benjamin
Coordinator, Office of the Coordinator for Counterterrorism
Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies (NESA)
Washington, DC
January 25, 2012


First of all, I’d like to thank NDU’s Near East South Asia Center and Ambassador Jim Larocco and his team for hosting this timely meeting. NESA has long been engaged in efforts to both build sustained partnerships among and train security professionals and leaders from Marrakech to Dhaka.

Second, I’d like to thank all of the participants who have travelled from near and far to contribute their expertise, share their insights, and explain lessons learned to those involved in the planning and development of the world’s first international Center of Excellence on Countering Violent Extremism.

Third and most important, on behalf of Secretary Clinton, I want to express the United States’ gratitude to His Highness, Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan, for stepping forward at the September launch of the Global Counterterrorism Forum and announcing the UAE’s willingness to host this institution. Sheikh Abdullah has been a leader in global efforts to counter violent extremism and the UAE government has developed creative and targeted programs to address vulnerable populations in countries and regions such as Afghanistan, Yemen and Somalia. Establishing an international venue in Abu Dhabi for training, dialogue, collaboration, and research to counter violent extremism in all its forms and manifestations is another demonstration of the UAE’s leadership in developing innovative ways to address the drivers of violent extremism, one of the critical long-term CT challenges we all face.

This initiative could not be more timely. There is widespread agreement on the need to prevent individuals from starting down the path toward radicalization, the embrace of violence, and support for terrorism, as well as to divert those already on that path before they are fully committed and mobilized. There is no institution, however, dedicated to addressing this challenge. The international community urgently needs a venue devoted to training, dialogue, collaboration, and research to counter violent extremism, one that can bring together the experts, expertise, and experience that exist in countries around the globe.

One of the unsung successes of the past decade has been the extraordinary level of international cooperation we have achieved in counterterrorism. Although we have not been able to prevent all terrorist attacks, we have disrupted dangerous conspiracies, taken bad actors off the street, and broken up capable networks. Much of that cooperation was the result of intelligence work and law enforcement cooperation. Much of it was bilateral. Some of it occurred in relatively small groups. As a global community, there is much to be proud of – we have become exceptionally effective at tactical counterterrorism.

But having said all that, the challenges that violent extremism presents are not fading with the international community’s success against al-Qaida (AQ), its affiliates, and its adherents, as well as other terrorist groups. The loss of Usama bin Laden puts AQ on a path of decline that it probably cannot reverse. However, the factors that make some populations vulnerable to internalizing the worldview expressed by the AQ and other violent extremist narratives are still present in many communities. As we know, even more than its financing, what sustains terrorist groups is the steady flow of new recruits. They replace the terrorists that are killed or captured, and then go on to plan new attacks.

In other words, we, the international community have become so adept at tactical counterterrorism that we haven’t focused sufficiently on the need to defeat terrorists at the strategic level. That means we have to undercut ideological and rhetorical underpinnings that make the violent extremist worldview attractive to some individuals and groups while also addressing local grievances and other factors.

Over the last ten years, we’ve learned a lot about how terrorist networks find their followers and maintain support and protection in particular communities. But there’s much we still don’t know about how best to disrupt their efforts and deny them support. As a global community, we need to do a better job of diminishing the drivers of violent extremism and demonstrably reduce the effectiveness of terrorist propaganda.

Our research has shown that radicalization is often driven by factors at the local level and that to be effective, CVE work needs to be driven by local needs, informed by local knowledge, and responsive to the immediate concerns of the community. CVE is a top priority at the State Department, and increasingly for other parts of our government. So, I would like to briefly outline our approach because it informs our hopes and aspirations for the Center.

Recognizing the importance of local factors, the first pillar of our CVE strategy emphasizes micro-strategies customized for specific communities – and even neighborhoods. When owned and implemented by local civil society or government partners, such efforts have a better chance of succeeding and enduring. For several years now, for example, we have supported efforts by countries to engage youth in at-risk communities through police-led sports programs and have worked with several countries to counter the spread of violent extremist ideologies in prisons and detention centers.

The second line of this effort has to do with messaging. The Center for Strategic Counterterrorism Communications (CSCC) was launched over one year ago, and is tightly focused on undermining terrorist propaganda and dissuading potential recruits. The center is housed at the State Department, but is a true whole-of-government interagency endeavor, with a mandate from President Obama in the form of an executive order. As part of this effort, a group of tech savvy specialists – fluent in Urdu and Arabic – that we call the digital outreach team are contesting online space, media websites, and forums where extremists have long spread propaganda and recruited followers. With timely posts, this team is working to expose the contradictions and abuses employed by violent extremists. This is not broad public diplomacy. We are reaching out to a specific, narrowly defined overseas audience: People who are or may be sympathetic to the views of violent extremists and are thus vulnerable to its propaganda; people who could be persuaded or enticed into crossing the boundary between sympathy and action.

Our third pillar focuses on strengthening our partners’ capacity and engagement in CVE work, propagating best practices, and building an international consensus behind the effort to delegitimize extremists and their ideologies. Here, we envision the Global Counterterrorism Forum’s CVE Working Group, which the UAE and UK are co-chairing, as having a significant positive impact. We also are working through the UN Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute to develop a consensus on best practices in disengagement programs, with an eye to creating a technical assistance delivery capability managed by UNICRI.

The field experience of our colleagues in international development is also pertinent as we develop CVE as a discipline. International development agencies and NGOs have worked for years on community development, youth empowerment and education, among other relevant areas. Development practitioners also have accumulated best practices and tools for designing programs in conflict settings. Finally, our development colleagues often have pioneered metrics – to measure not just outputs but often outcomes of their work. We look forward to also tapping these areas of expertise in our substantive contributions to standing up the Center.

I know we’ve only scraped the surface in terms of the things we can be doing. The challenge the international community faces in countering the violent extremist sentiment that fuels recruitment extends to finding truly innovative ways to provide police, educators, religious and other community leaders, and other relevant government and non-government personnel with the necessary training and practical tools to design and implement effective programs and policies.

The CVE Center of Excellence can help us do just that. We see the Center giving us all deeper and clearer insight into the pathways to radicalization, which vary by region, country, and community. So a Center course could look at different models of radicalization and case studies and draw on the latest research from experts around the world, including work undertaken by visiting researchers, to help us understand, for example, what radicalization factors appear most consistently, as well as those easiest – or most difficult – to mitigate.

The Center stands to play a pivotal role helping us find innovative ways to overcome a range of other challenges. Let’s explore a few.

For good or for ill, teachers play a critical role in shaping the thinking of young people. We know that indoctrination at an early age can make individuals more open to the violent extremist worldview. Some countries are making excellent progress in addressing this challenge and could provide experts on good practices to benefit other countries trying to do better on this score.

As an institution of research, the Center could also explore the role that teachers and other educators can play in identifying both the signs of violent radicalization and appropriate ways for educators to intervene to prevent students from becoming radicalized. To date, this space has been largely left to law enforcement and intelligence agencies, a far from ideal situation. Finding ways to empower educators to play a more important and pro-active role in identifying and then helping reverse the process of radicalization at earlier stages – before it becomes a case requiring law enforcement and intelligence intervention – would be an important step, as well as an investment in the future of our young people.

Speaking of law enforcement, sometimes security personnel – with the best of motivations in mind – engage with communities in the absence of being properly trained. The results can be embarrassing and even counterproductive. This is an area where my own country faces some challenges and could benefit from the experiences and accumulated wisdom of our friends.

Despite our advances through the CSCC in understanding the role of traditional and new media in content delivery and message resonance, there is still a vast amount of learning before us. Fundamentally, we are guessing at what works and what does not. The Center could serve as a focal point for coordinating research into how attitudes are shaped across cultures and for deepening understanding of how trust and resonance vary by culture.

The U.S. government has a growing body of evidence about what constitutes the most appropriate and effective ways to build community resilience against violent extremist ideology within our borders. This is information we would like to share with our partners through the Center. And we would certainly benefit from understanding what has worked for our partners.

I mentioned our work with and through UNICRI on best practices in disengaging incarcerated terrorists and on preventing prisons from becoming recruiting centers for violent extremists. Given the great interest in these subjects voiced by GCTF members at an organizational meeting of the CVE Working Group last July in London, I am confident that Center efforts in conjunction with UNICRI would be welcomed.

Finally and critically, we need to deepen our understanding of how to know what works and what does not – that is measuring and evaluating the immediate and long-term results of CVE programming and other activities. I am pleased that the Government of Canada, together with other governments and the Center for Global Counterterrorism Cooperation, will host a colloquium on this important subject next month. But our learning will have to be ongoing, and the Center is the right place for that to happen.

While standing up this particular Center is an entirely new undertaking, there are many lessons we can learn from others’ experiences in establishing and operating international, regional, and national training and research centers in a range of related fields. We’re grateful for NESA’s experience and knowledge in this very area and also its willingness to bring relevant officials and experts from around the world to exchange ideas about good practices and the inherent challenges we’ll face as we move ahead and make the Center a reality.

We must work together to reduce recruitment and counter the spread of violent extremism. Only through concerted international action, though the Global Counterterrorism Forum and this Center and other multilateral platforms, can we effectively tackle violent extremism.

Thank you again for inviting me to speak. I invite your questions and wish you a successful conference.

Source – Countering Violent Extremism

Six farm murders in January 2012


Bennie van Zyl says such attacks appear to be on the rise again. TAU SA campaign on Farm Killings start this week.

After it became clear that farm murders in South Africa seems to be on the rise, TAU SA announced an awareness campaign in South Africa as well as internationally.

Since the beginning of January, six farmers were murdered compared to 1 farmer murdered during January 2011. The number of non-fatal attacks were also higher than in 2011.

TAU SA General Manager, Mr Bennie van Zyl , said this is unacceptable. “For several years now we have tried to convince the South African government to take action. Nothing has been done, and the only response we got was that ‘farm attacks are no longer a priority but a mere concern’. We are convinced that government is turning a deaf ear to our views, and now we have no other choice than to make use of other options to protect our farmers, who are the country’s food producers,” said Mr van Zyl.

“We as farmers cannot be counted in terms of our numbers, because there are only about 35 000 commercial farmers left. But we can be weighed in terms of our contribution to the South African economy. If we could mobilize the South African consumers to support the farmers, this weight could become much more in terms of economic considerations. We have therefore opened a SMS line where people can deliver messages of support, and also pledge a small donation which will be partially used for our international awareness actions, and partially for our trauma fund to support the victims of farm attacks.

“Our international awareness action also starts this week. TAU SA’s Assistant-General Manager: Communications, Mr Henk van de Graaf, is currently in Europe , where he will bring the full dimensions of farm attacks to the attention of political parties, cultural organisations, governments and other stake holders. The visit culminates in a presentation to the European Parliament, where he will deliver the key note address at a public meeting of all European Parliamentarians on farm killings in South Africa . If the South African government does not want to listen to us, who represent the commercial farmers in South Africa , we have utilise other means to convince government to take action,” said Mr van Zyl.

People who would want to support TAU SA’s actions in this regard, can send a SMS with the key word: TLUSTOP to 48716. Each SMS costs R10 which will be used for our international campaign as well as our trauma fund. The members of the public can also leave their names on TAU SA’s web site at www.tlu.co.za as part of a petition campaign against farm killings.

(Statement issued by TAU SA, January 31 2012)

by Bennie van Zyl – 31 January 2012

Source – Six farm murders in January – TAU SA

De Lille will fight for metro police


The City of Cape Town has obtained legal advice in its attempt to fight against a plan to “do away with” the metro police, but the national police ministry says mayor Patricia de Lille is “jumping the gun” with her criticism of the proposal.

During a full council meeting last week, De Lille tore into the proposal. She promised that the city would use “every resource at its disposal” to fight it.

“Thanks to a draft paper white paper on safety and security, drafted by the civilian secretariat for the national police, the existence of our metro police is under threat.”

“This draft white paper proposes that metro and municipal services be abolished and that they all fall under the purview of the national South African Police Service.”

De Lille said it had “been on the agenda” of Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa “for some time”.

Solly Malatsi, De Lille’s spokesman, said the city would pursue all options to stop “this ill-considered move”.

“The city has already obtained legal advice on what we believe is the ‘unconstitutionality’ of the white paper’s intention to do away with metro police.”

Malatsi said the draft white paper had been sent to the office of Community Safety MEC Dan Plato.

“We are currently in the processing of submitting our comments to the MEC on what we believe is the constitutionality or otherwise of the white paper. We are in discussion with the Swartland municipality.”

Malatsi said the metro police were “doing an incredible job”. The force had established specialised units such as the Ghost Squad, the Copperheads, the Vice Squad and the Drug Busters.

“(These units) have had great success in combating crime due to good intelligence, careful planning and excellent training. Cape Town has become safer because of the good work of the metro police.”

But the police ministry said the city’s fight was premature.

Zweli Mnisi, Mthethwa’s spokesman, said the aspect of having a single police force was just one of many proposals in the white paper. Others included the training of members and looking at community police forums. A final decision would be made only after extensive public participation in the next few months.

The proposal was not set in stone and all citizens would get the chance to have their say.

“It’s a constitutional imperative and is about looking at policing holistically.”

Mnisi explained that the paper would be placed before parliament soon after it opened in February. From this point, it would be put out for public comment.

This would include “consultative meetings”.

“(De Lille) must not jump the gun. Like any member of the public, she will have the opportunity to have her say when it is put out for public comment.”

JP Smith, the mayoral committee member for safety and security, said although the white paper looked at a range of different aspects of policing, the possibility of a “single police cell” was the biggest issue for the city.

Smith said there were “major inaccuracies” in the document. And the proposal involving the metro police was an attempt by the national government to “centralise power”.

He said the city’s senior legal counsel believed the white paper to be based on incorrect assumptions. Suggestions in the paper include that the metro police were not subject to enough monitoring and there was a lack of national standards. Smith said that, in fact, the metro police were accountable to the national government. The force was also subject to investigation by the Independent Complaints Directorate.

by Bronwynne Jooste – bronwynne.jooste@inl.co.za – Cape Argus

Source – De Lille will fight for metro police

DA plans to co-govern NCape in 2014


Speech by Andrew Louw, Democratic Alliance Northern Cape provincial leader, at the party’s provincial congress, January 28 2012.

BUILDING THE NEW MAJORITY

Introduction

Goeie middag
Good afternoon
Dumelang

Ladies & Gentlemen, colleagues and friends, I bid you welcome this afternoon at our provincial congress.

Keya lo amogela gompijeno mo kongreseng ya rona ya porofense.

Ek heet u hartlik welkom by ons kongres in ons provinsie.

On politics and our ambitions

Let’s not forget, friends, that we are witnessing history unfold here today. We are gathered here to consolidate our strength and chart a way forward, not only for the party but for our province.

The gains we have made are significant. We have established coalition governments in four councils. In 2011 we virtually doubled our vote in the province with signs of growth in support across all districts.

Die 2009 algemene verkiesing het die DA se openbare verteenwoordigers sien groei vanaf net twee in die Wetgewer tot vier.

Die ondertekening van ‘n samewerkingooreenkoms tussen die DA en die Onafhanklike Demokrate in 2010 het die Party se ledetal en ondersteuningsbasis aansienlik sien groei.

Die suksesse van die 2011 verkiesing word gesien in die feit dat die DA vyf nuwe DA wyke in Kimberley gewen het. In die ander wyke het die DA ook sy steun aansienlik verbeter. Die hoeveelheid raadslede het vanaf 58 in 2006 tot 101 in 2011 toegeneem. Dit is ‘n ongelooflike groeisyfer.

Die groei van die party in die provinsie het ‘n geleidelike groei getoon. Met die 2006 verkiesing het ons 14% van die totale stem persentasie behaal. In 2009 het die DA 13% en OD 5%, gesamentlik het ons 18% vertoon en in 2011 ‘n triomfanklike groei van 22%.

We are an ambitious party. But this is not the ambition built solely on self-interest and narrow obsession with power. It’s an ambition based on our prospects off leading government in the Northern Cape and delivering for its people.

On our guiding principles

Every step of the way we will be guided by the four pillars on which all our actions and policies are based.

The first of these pillars is REDRESS. This means that we are committed to reversing the legacy of Apartheid. Poverty and unequal education does not need to be the destiny of so many people in the Northern Cape.

Reflecting back a few years ago, this province took the lead in education outcomes (results). In 2003, the Northern Cape pitched the highest nationally, achieving a 90,7% pass rate – the best in the country. Last year we pitched a mediocre 68,8%. What went wrong? Well colleagues, we know exactly where the problem lies. Cadre deployment is the cancer that stole opportunities from our children.

We are a party that delivers where we govern. A DA government would work tirelessly to ensure that children from the green Kalahari to the hills of rural Namakwaland are given the opportunity to develop to their full potential.

And we are proving already, where we govern, that we can do this. In just two years, the matric pass rate in the Western Cape has improved year-on-year to become the best in the country. And we are just getting started there. Given the chance to govern, we can do the same for children in the Northern Cape.

What we have come to learn is that good governance has the greatest impact on the lives of the working class and poor citizens of our towns and cities. Cape Town is now home to the most celebrated public transport system in the country – the MyCiti Bus.

Every day, tens of thousands of citizens make use of its services to move between work and home safely and affordably. And this same approach to public transport can be applied to towns, cities and rural areas of the Northern Cape.

Imagine a system that would allow people to move safely and cheaply between the towns and villages of Namakwaland; or from surrounding villages and residential areas to the centres of cities like Kimberley and Upington; or from the rural plains of John Taole Gaetsewe to urban centres for work and school?

REDRESS is about creating a more equitable and just society for all citizens. It is about doing something about the past neglect that affected the poor and working class so acutely.

The only way to achieve REDRESS is through the second pillar: DELIVERY. Our governments, whether at local or provincial level, are the cleanest and most efficient in the country.

Consistently, the national governments own indicators as well as private sector research has shown that DA governments in Gauteng, the Eastern Cape and the Western Cape are the best governed in the country. We look forward to our governments in the Northern Cape joining the ranks of the best.

Under the stewardship of the DA, Cape Town is growing into a world-class city with world-class infrastructure.

The city is now the Design Capital of the World; the home to one of the seven natural wonders of the world; and as early as 2008 it was acknowledged as having the best mayor in the world in the form of Helen Zille. Patricia De Lille is continuing that proud legacy and we wish her the best going forward.

The tourism industry is now performing better than at any other time in history and contributing to the creation of thousands of jobs.

Through an innovative partnership with the private sector, we have created a safe and secure environment in the centre of the city that competes with only the best cosmopolitan cities of the world.

In just a few short years we have managed to achieve all this. Imagine what we could do for cities like Kimberley and Upington; or for towns like Kuruman, De Aar and Calvinia?

Through meaningful partnerships with the private sector, whether it be commercial farmers or urban businesses, we can make life better for the residents of the Northern Cape. (KE NAKO!!)

The concept of partnerships brings us to the third pillar: RECONCILIATION. We come from a deeply divided and horrible past that has left so many people indelibly scarred.

The only way to move forward toward a shared future is to acknowledge the wrongs of the past and to find meaningful ways for people to build partnerships that will result in a better future for our children.

There is no reason why the interests of commercial farmers and farmworkers cannot be reconciled or the interests of middle and working class Kimberley.

At the end of the day there are basic things that we all want for ourselves and our children: jobs and a flourishing economy; a good education; opportunities for personal growth and development; and a safe environment in which to live and work.

There is immense potential for new and positive ways of seeing each other and working together. But to realize this we must oppose the racial nationalism and populist rhetoric that has become so common in our politics today.

We must reject the views of politicians who for selfish reasons play on the prejudices and insecurities of groups of people. The politics of race, language and gender should have died when Nelson Mandela assumed office in 1994.

Today, the DA is the only party that is still guided by the non-racial dream of Mandela. We have become the standard-bearer of a new generation of people, many of them of young and idealistic.

Many of those in power today have abandoned the nation-building project. The road they are taking this country down is a dangerous one. The time is fast-approaching where those value the dream of 1994 need to find each other very quickly for the sake of our country.

The final pillar, which cannot be separated from the nation-building project, is DIVERSITY. Friends, you only have to look around the room today to see that the DA is blossoming into the most diverse political party this country has ever seen.

Diversity can be described in thousands of ways: from race to gender to religion to background to political views. Protecting and promoting diversity in our country is an imperative that we cannot take lightly.

Promoting diversity is about protecting the rights of individuals. The collectivist politics of other parties in our country only serve to drive people back into their respective groups.

What our politicians don’t realize is that are multiple ways of being a South African and, indeed, of being African. We must ensure that we continue to be a party that not only respects this diversity, but also celebrates it.

Way Forward

The strides we have made so far as a collective is a clear indication that we are on the right path. To enable us to get to our destination, which is to win the province, a few important steps need to unfold:

  1. Where we govern, we in coalition need to do that beyond reproach.
  2. Employ not deploy competent and skilled people.
  3. Manifesting the “open opportunity” society for all.

By 2014, we will unite in our focus of leading a coalition government in the Northern Cape.

By 2016 we are intent on leading governments in three of the five districts: Namakwa, PixleykaSeme and Siyanda. We will also govern in the city of Upington.

By 2019, we plan to build on that majority in a year when the DA will form the core of a new national government.

Today we affirm our path toward each of these milestones. We lay down our commitment to building a new majority in the Northern Cape.

As part of our collective responsibility we will continue to search for new talent to enhance our objectives for 2014: “Building a new majority”.

In die tussen tyd is dit ook belangrik dat ons stelsels in plek sit om ons doelwit te bereik. Daarom kollegas is dit ook van kardinale belang dat persone wie verkies word in posisies, die posisie wat die persoon beklee op ‘n bekwame en verantwoordbare manier hanteer.

Die provinsie is in nege (9) kiesafdelinge op verdeel.

These constituencies will be clustered to streamline the operations and political activities that need to take place at grassroot level.

Each vice chairperson will be responsible for a cluster which will consist of three constituencies (3). These clusters will be subdivided into geographic and functional classifications. Vice chairpersons will be allocated with portfolios i.e) administration, strategic thinking and finance. All these will be done in collaboration with the constituency chairpersons, constituency heads, provincial director, provincial chair and provincial leader. This method of working will be guided by teamwork and consultation.

In conclusion

Friends, let me leave you with a thought:

Each one of us should realise that as we walk away here today, we leave something behind. What we leave depends entirely on us.

I thank you

Baie dankie

Keya leboga!

(Issued by the DA Northern Cape, January 30 2012)

by Andrew Louw

Source – DA plans to co-govern NCape in 2014

Studente verf hulself swart, eis toelating tot universiteit


Kaapstad – ‘n Groep studente wat hulself swart geverf het, het Maandag saam met ‘n afvaardiging van AfriForum Jeug voor die departement van hoër onderwys se kantore betoog om toelating tot die Universiteit van Pretoria (UP) se fakulteit veeartsenykunde te eis.

Dié groep van 30 matrikulante, wat gesamentlik 190 onderskeidings in matriek behaal het, is vroeër deur die UP se fakulteit veeartsenykunde weggewys weens “swak akademiese prestasie”.

“AfriForum Jeug, studente en ouers het protes aangeteken teen die toelatingsvereistes vir veeartsenykunde in Suid-Afrika. Aangesien dit die enigste fakulteit van sy soort in Suid-Afrika is, rus ‘n unieke verantwoordelikheid op die departement om toppresterende leerlinge ‘n geleentheid te gun om die vaardigheidstekort ten opsigte van veeartsenykunde in die land te verlig,” het Charl Oberholzer, nasionale voorsitter van AfriForum Jeug, in ‘n verklaring gesê.

Die UP het luidens die verklaring vroeër erken dat die departement van hoër onderwys rasseteikens vir dié betrokke kursus stel, en dat geoormerkte finansiering daarvolgens ontvang word.

“Daar word selfs plekke gereserveer vir internasionale studente terwyl wit Suid-Afrikaners wat tussen sewe en nege onderskeidings behaal het, die deur gewys word,” lui die verklaring.

“Die rasseteikens wat aan die fakulteit gestel word, sluit talle wit studente uit en beperk hulle reg op ‘n keuse van ‘n loopbaan,” het Oberholzer bygevoeg.

Bron – Studente verf hulself swart, eis toelating tot universiteit

FTTH arrives in SA suburb


ATEC launches fibre to the home services in a non-gated South African suburb, with plans to grow its footprint.

ATEC Systems and Technologies has completed the first phase of a large fibre network rollout to create South Africa’s first non-gated fibre-to-the-home (FTTH) community.

ATEC has for a long time offered FTTH services in gated communities, office parks and hotels, but this is the company’s first non-gated FTTH rollout.

This FTTH deployment, in the affluent suburb of Clifton in Cape Town, was done by deploying a Fibre Optic Network for the distribution of the DSTV signal from a centralized satellite dish.

The deployment was completed early in January 2012 and residents are already using the full set of DSTV services.

“Clifton has a unique problem in that the satellite signal for DSTV is blocked by the mountain and Leeukop. In effect most parts of Clifton have not been able to get full DSTV services since the inception of the service from Multichoice, said Gerhard Loots, Commercial Director of ATEC.

ATEC addressed this seventeen year old problem by deploying a proof of concept FibreSuburb network in Nettleton Road. This entailed the installation of an FTTH network to bring the DSTV service as part of the initial deployment.

The second phase of the FibreSuburb deployment entails the installation of a FTTH network for a second section of Clifton in Victoria Road and adding broadband services to the current DSTV service.

As part of Phase 2, ATEC FibreSuburb customers will have the option to add broadband speeds of 10Mbps, 20Mbps and 50Mbps, VoIP based voice services, cloud computing and security products to their DSTV services.

“In future the TV services will be expanded to provide IPTV, Over-the-Top TV as well as Video on demand services,” said Loots.

ATEC said that the monthly costs will be similarly structured to existing fixed line pricing structures, consisting of a line rental portion, Internet service (capped or uncapped) and then added services (like DStv or voice calls).

One exception, said Loots, is that no customer will be expected to pay for telephone line rental (as is required with ADSL Lines).

Loots says that the access fee for a 50Mbps connection will be under R1,000 per month with Internet rates between R10 and R30 per GB depending on the size of the package.

ATEC is also planning to upgrade the networks of its current copper based FibreSuburb customers in Llandudno, Camps Bay and Hout Bay to prepare them for full Multi-play services.

As the business case for deployment of a FibreSuburb network depends on community member’s willingness to contribute financially to the cost of installing the network, ATEC invites communities to contact them to determine the cost and feasibility of a deployment in their suburb. The once-off connection fee (to install fibre to a home) ranges between R25,000 and R50,000.

Loots further revealed that their FTTH service will not only focus on exclusive areas like Cape Town’s Atlantic seaboard, and that they are planning similar services in areas where housing is far more affordable.

by Rudolph Muller

Source – FibreSuburb: FTTH arrives in SA suburb

Genocide in 2012


The tragic fact is that although nothing on quite the immense scale of the Nazi genocides and mass killings has happened since 1945, mass murder and attempted extermination remains a major cause of death and suffering in many parts of the world.

Not all the perpetrators of mass murder are governments. For example, the Taleban/Al Queda are listed by “Genocide Watch.” the International Alliance to End Genocide, among those responsible for massacres, and government officials, particularly honest ones, are at particular risk of being murdered in several countries.

Tim posted a comment on my “Holocaust Memorial Day” blog item pointing out that South African Boers have been listed as at category six risk of genocide (e.g. active preparation) yet the mainstream press do not seem to be taking much notice.

The really frightening thing is that, although Tim is quite right, South African whites are only eighteenth in the worldwide list of groups suffering massacres or at serious risk of genocide. The most recent list of countries on the Genocide Watch website (August 2011) gives twelve groups as currently being victims of massacres, and another eight, of whom white South Africans are sixth, at the “Preparation Stage,” level six, which is the most serious stage of potential risk of massacres.

The top twenty countries and victim groups suffering most or at serious risk according to Genocide Watch as at August 2011, are

1) Democratic Republic of Congo: where women, civilians, and Congo Tutsis are at risk from Ex-Rwandan genocidists and mineral warlords

2) In Sudan, Darfurese, Abyei,and Nuba people are at risk from the Sudanese army and Arab militias

3) In Eastern Congo, parts of Sudan and Uganda, civilians, women, and children are at risk from the organistion which calls itself the “Lord’s Resistance Army”

4) In Libya during the civil war, those suspected of being anti-Gaddafi rebelswere subjectg to persecution from pro-Gaddaffi forces; there have also been rebel reprisals.

5) Syria: those suspected of being pro-democracy protesters of supporters have been massacred by the Assad regimes forces, Alawite loyalists and the army

6) Yemen: opponents of the Saleh regime have been massacred by pro-govt troops

7) In Somalia there have been massacres between opposing clans

8) In parts of Afghanistan, government supporters and anyone who does not support the “right” kind of Islam is in danger of attack from the Taliban and Al Queda

9) Pakistan – ditto

10) In North Korea anyone suspected of opposing the government is liable to persecution

11) There have been signs of progress in Burma over the past few months but the military regime which has run the country for decades has a history of severe repression against the Shan, Karen, Rohinga and against democrats.

12) Ethiopia: where government opponents have been persecuted by the Tigrean Army

All the above are listed at stage seven by Genocide watch indicating their view that genocide is actually taking place. The following are listed as stage 6 (preparation for genocide/serious risk)

13) Nigeria, where there is a serious risk of conflict between ethnic and religious groups:

14) People’s Republic of China where the Falun Gong and Uighers are being repressed by the PLA and Chinese authorities

15) Colombia, where government officials have been murdered by Drug gangs and FARC guerrillas

16) Equatorial Guinea, where the Bubi minority is oppressed by the Government and police

17) Zimbabwe, where the Matabele tribe and the Movement for Democratic Change have been opporessed by the ZANU-PF and the Shona tribe

18) South Africa: Genocide watch identifies whites and women (because of a high rape rate) as victims or potential victims of attacks by ANC Youth, black Marxist racists

19) Chad, where the Zaghawas have been attacked by Sudanese raiders

20) Central African Republic, where African farmers have been attacked by Arab militias

You can read more details at the Genocide Watch webpage here.

by Chris Whiteside

Source – Genocide today

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