14.4 Million South Africans Within Reach in Seconds


Effective Measure introduces real-time Internet intelligence to media planners in emerging markets.

Effective Measure, the leading provider of digital media planning solutions in emerging markets, today announced a much-awaited feature that enables planners to generate instant market intelligence on the profiles belonging to 14.4 million unique browsers in South Africa.

Real-time Internet audience reports created on Effective Measure’s industry-standard planning tool, OpenView, are now available in the South African market for the first time at no additional charge to all media planners invested in the region.

South Africa Business Development Manager, Francois Vorster, said, “Just like everyone else, we understand that time is our most valuable asset. With media planners typically working hard on multiple projects, time-saving processes such as real-time reporting provide much-needed relief from the pressures of tight deadlines.”

With the Internet population growing across over hundreds of websites including Facebook and leading local sites such as news24.com, defining target audiences that match the needs of a campaign with reliable data is no longer a struggle for agile media planners with this new feature.

Effective Measure real-time audience reports are able to generate comprehensive data, based on the same detailed profiling options found on OpenView, in a few seconds — providing instant answers that can be shared quickly.

Complementing this feature are two best practice analytical tools, AdScan and AdLift. Both tools, supplying detailed post-campaign analysis, provide valuable reach and frequency measurement to provide planners with relevant, up-to-date information for campaign optimization.

For more information on Effective Measure tools, or to request a tour of the enhanced OpenView, contact the Effective Measure South Africa team at info@effectivemeasure.com or call +27-0-11-023-4369.

About Effective Measure

Effective Measure is the leading provider of digital media planning solutions in the emerging markets, bringing best practice online measurement data to premium publishers, platforms, agencies and advertisers. Our products and services offer media planners invested in Oceania, South East Asia, Middle East North Africa and South Africa, a clear insight into the state of the Internet and the ever-growing digital population.

For more information on this topic, or an interview request with a digital specialist, contact Effective Measure Marketing Executive, Sheeda Cheng at +61-3-9023-9003 or media@effectivemeasure.com.

Distributed by PR Newswire on behalf of Effective Measure

Source – 14.4 Million South Africans Within Reach in Seconds

Patricia de Lille on Gordhan’s budget speech


We welcome Minister Gordhan’s focus on infrastructure investment, a follow-on from President Zuma’s commitment made in his State of the Nation Address.

Indeed, the focus on infrastructure-led growth, as a central pillar of inclusive and competitive growth, is one that has been at the core of the agenda of the City of Cape Town since 2006 and remains a key foundation of our development strategy for the next five years.

Our experience has taught us lessons of maintaining fiscal sustainability and ensuring adequate capacity to maximise delivery and we shall look to other parts of National Government to see the Minister’s pledge actualised in a sustainable manner and for more detailed discussions of supporting capacity that can actually realise this strategy.

Indeed, there is an urgent need for National Government to help all spheres of government develop Public-Private partnerships wherever possible, to develop infrastructure programmes so that the market can accommodate for capacity issues. In terms of these infrastructure matters, we shall be happy to lend our expertise in coordination efforts in the spirit of co-operative governance.

We will also closely monitor developments in local government, most particularly the Cities Support Programme which I note will also focus on public transportation matters. As Cape Town is a leader in this area nationally, building a world-class integrated transport system, we shall also look forward to contributing our experiences and expertise on these and other matters.

Finally, we welcome the additional R4 billion allocation to the Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa as there is an urgent need to recapitalise Metrorail’s failing network.

Indeed, vision and spending must be matched by implementation experience to create success. This experience is where Cape Town can truly and uniquely add value to the national strategy of focusing on the big questions of infrastructure and public transport.

ISSUED BY:
COMMUNICATION DEPARTMENT
CITY OF CAPE TOWN

MEDIA ENQUIRIES:
SOLLY MALATSI
SPOKESPERSON FOR EXECUTIVE MAYOR ALDERMAN PATRICIA DE LILLE
CITY OF CAPE TOWN
TEL: 021 400 1382
CELL: 083 943 1449,
E-MAIL: solly.malatsi@capetown.gov.za

Source – STATEMENT BY EXECUTIVE MAYOR, ALDERMAN PATRICIA DE LILLE, ON MINISTER GORDHAN’S BUDGET SPEECH

DA courts Ramphele


The DA has been wooing struggle heavyweight Mamphela Ramphele as a possible candidate to ­succeed its leader Helen Zille.

City Press spoke to 10 people in and close to the DA , seven of whom said they were aware of this.

But Ramphele told City Press she had never, in her 42 years as an active citizen, joined a political party.

“I am not a joiner but a change agent. I have always seen my role as a change agent supporting any
appropriate transformative process initiated by any South African.” She said she spoke “to many ­audiences regardless of ­political affiliation.”

On Thursday the prominent academic and businesswoman took part in a debate organised by the DA Young Professionals in Cape Town, the first time she has appeared on a public DA platform.

A party source said Ramphele had been approached by DA leaders, and a source close to Zille said she “has been asking Mamphela for years” to join the DA.

“Obviously we’d really like to have her in the party. There are things we see eye to eye on. She now has this message of active citizenry and this resonates with us.”

The source said Ramphele would consider the DA’s advances if there was a real chance of running for president of the country, or if she felt she could no longer influence government outside ­formal politics.

Party strategists reckon the DA’s first chance of governing the country – as part of a coalition – would be 2019, but then Ramphele would be 72, meaning she would probably be too old to govern.

Zille and Ramphele’s relationship goes back to the University of Cape Town when Zille was communications chief and Ramphele was vice-chancellor.

“There is no doubt they are very close but it is not a given that just because Helen wants her, she would get a top position. Dr Ramphele would need to go through the electoral college, like (Cape Town mayor) Patricia de Lille,” a senior MP said.

De Lille on Thursday called Ramphele “sister” and said Ramphele had been there for her “day and night” with advice on governance issues. Ramphele has also helped the party with economic policy.

It is an open secret that Zille is thinking about making way for a leader who will appeal to black voters.

Another source close to Zille said she was considering stepping down as early as the party’s conference later this year, but without a clear successor, would have to remain for another two-year term.

Zille “wants to have control over the succession and made it clear she wants to bring people of prominence to the party to be in a position to take over from her,” said the parliamentarian.

A DA official said Ramphele was in a “delicate position. I think her head lies with us but her heart is in the struggle movement.”

Zille declined to comment but DA federal chairperson James Selfe said he knew nothing about overtures to Ramphele.

by Carien du Plessis and Mandy Rossouw – City Press

Source – DA courts Ramphele

E-tolling to start on April 30


National Treasury said that tolling on Gauteng roads will begin on 30 April 2012.

Tolling on roads included in the controversial Gauteng Freeway Improvement Project will begin on April 30, the National Treasury said on Wednesday.

In a government announcement issued alongside the Budget, it said government had contributed a once-off 5.75 billion rand to the South African National Roads Agency to bring about a lowering of proposed toll fees.

It said the contribution by government will ensure that tariffs are reduced for vehicles with e-tags to 30c per kilometre for light vehicles, 20c per kilometer for motorcycles, 75c for non-articulated trucks and 1.51 rand for articulated trucks.

As had previously been announced, taxis and other public transport vehicles remain exempt from toll fees.

In addition, the announcement said that a frequent-user cap of 550 rand per month for light vehicles and motorcycles, as well as time-of-day saving of 20% for heavy vehicles, will be introduced.

Significantly, the debt of SANRAL will increase to 59 billion rand. To ensure sustainability, it said the Minister of Transport will table the necessary legislation to provide SANRAL with enforcement powers for tolling.

by I-Net Bridge

Source – E-tolling to start on April 30

Free Wi-Fi for Stellenbosch


Stellenbosch is set to provide everyone with free Wi-Fi Internet access by mid-2012.

Stellenbosch is planning to provide free Wi-Fi Internet access to everyone in the town. This is according to Stellenbosch mayor Conrad Sidego.

Sidego said that they are planning to make Stellenbosch a Wi-Fi town– an initiative by Stellenbosch, Mxit and the University of Stellenbosch.

The service will be offered free of charge to anyone, and no registration for the service will be needed.

Large downloads will be prohibited, but all other services (like web surfing, messaging and VoIP services) will be supported.

Stellenbosch councillor and head of the municipality’s finance portfolio, Pieter Venter, explained that the trial network will go live on Friday (24 February).

This trial Wi-Fi network will cover the town centre, and will run for two to three weeks before extending the network to the greater Stellenbosch area.

The next phase involves rolling out the network to all populated areas within the Stellenbosch municipality. Venter explained that the network will reach as far as Franschhoek and Pniel.

The fast six-month rollout period may surprise people, but Venter explained that the core Wi-Fi network is already in place. This Wi-Fi network is already used to connect the municipal offices and carry municipal calls (hence cutting costs and limiting their reliance on Telkom).

All that needs to be done now it to put repeaters closer to residents to “fill in” the network and boost coverage. These repeaters will be put on lamp poles and on suitable high sites.

Venter said that they wanted to provide a free Wi-Fi network to Stellenbosch residents for years, but that Internet access costs (hence national and international bandwidth) was a problem. Mxit stepped in to solve this problem for Stellenbosch by making available their unused capacity.

Mxit CEO Alan Knott-Craig Jr. said that they are assisting with the Wi-Fi project at the request of the mayor.

“We are psyched to help promote Stellenbosch as the true tech capital of Africa. Although free Wi-Fi can never compete in performance with paid-for services, it does provide a magnet for creativity and engineers,” said Knott-Craig.

“Our primary value-add is the unused bandwidth coming into our data centre (770 million messages a day requires a fair amount of capacity),” said Knott-Craig.

Venter said that the Mxit bandwidth will serve their initial needs, and hopes that organizations such as the University of Stellenbosch and SEACOM will also assist when the need arises for additional bandwidth.

Venter highlighted that they do not want to compete against paid-for broadband services like ADSL or 3G, and is therefore limiting the service to 1Mbps and a 500MB daily usage cap.

Venter is confident that this initiative will not only boost Internet access and the economy of Stellenbosch, but also attract entrepreneurs and technical people to the region.

by Rudolph Muller

Source – Free Wi-Fi for Stellenbosch

Mandela & the Church Street Bombing


This is a story about Nelson Mandela, the world-famous “freedom fighter” and “democrat.” You’ll have to pardon those slightly sardonic quotes, because I’m afraid this is that kind of story: a bit iconoclastic, and likely to provoke howls of outrage from Western liberals who see Mandela as a benign black moderate who led an army of hymn-singing Uncle Toms to the promised land.

The technical term for those liberals is “useful idiot,” but even I must concede that their intervention was actually quite intelligent, back in the 1950s, when this all started. In those days, good men were weak, and their apartheid adversaries invincible on all but one score: propaganda. The war of perceptions thus became the most critical of all battlefields, with the African National Congress constantly seeking to exaggerate apartheid’s evils while portraying itself as “good” in a way that was universally appealing.

In the early sixties, Special Branch detectives came upon a piece of evidence that made this a bit tricky in Mandela’s case – a handwritten essay titled, “How To Be A Good Communist,” in which the leader of the ANC’s newly-formed military wing opined that South Africa would become “a land of milk and honey” under Communist rule. We were told that Mandela was innocently toying with Marxist ideas, trying to understand their appeal, but this made little sense. Almost all his co-conspirators were Communists, wedded to a Sovietist doctrine that envisaged a two-phase ending to the SA struggle – a “national democratic revolution,” followed by second revolution in which the Marxist-Leninist vanguard took power.

If Mandela wasn’t in on this plot, it would have been exceptionally stupid of him to participate in it, and Mandela was not stupid. On the other hand, he had to be very careful what he said on this score. The ANC needed the support of Western liberals, and by l964, those folks had come to realize that Communist revolutions inevitably led to the outcome satirized in George Orwell’s Animal Farm – a dictatorship of pigs who hogged the best things for themselves, impoverished the proletariat and murdered or imprisoned dissenters by the million.

In such a climate, one didn’t want to focus attention on that hand-written “milk and honey” essay. On the contrary: one wanted the world to see Mandela as a democrat, willing to die for values that Westerners held sacred. Toward this end, Mandela and his lawyers (with a bit of help from British journalist Anthony Sampson) crafted a masterful speech for Mandela to deliver from the dock during the Rivonia trial.

“The ideological creed of the ANC is, and always has been, the creed of African nationalism,” he said. “It is true that there has been close cooperation between the ANC and the Communist Party. But cooperation in this case is merely proof of a common goal – the removal of white supremacy.”

Mandela went to describe himself as a democrat in the classic Western sense, and a fervent admirer of the British and American systems of governance. “Africans just want a share in the whole of South Africa,” he said. “Above all, we want equal political rights, because without them our disabilities will be permanent…It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.”

These words rang out around the world, and still echo today. Type Mandela’s name into Google, and you come upon millions of essays, articles and book-length hagiographies depicting Madiba in exactly the way he presented himself in that speech: a black liberal, driven to take up arms by a white supremacist state that seemed utterly impermeable to calls for dialogue.

The Rivonia statement has become the foundational text of a semi-religious movement that seeks to canonize Mandela as the 20th century’s greatest proponent of freedom and democracy. Or perhaps I should say, “bourgeois democracy,” in order to distinguish between democracy of the sort practiced in Britain and America and the diseased parody encountered in Marxist-Leninist police states. Nelson Mandela never stood for that sort of democracy.

Or did he?

It takes a brave man to address that question, and lo, one such has emerged. Professor Stephen Ellis heads the African Studies Centre at the University of Leiden, and holds the Desmond Tutu chair of social sciences at the Vrije University of Amsterdam. He is also one of the great authorities on the ANC, author of Comrades Against Apartheid and a former editor of Africa Confidential, a magazine valued for its authoritative gossip about what was really going inside the anti-apartheid movement in the l980s.

Now Ellis has published a study that sheds startling new light on Mandela’s early political career and the circumstances under which he launched his armed struggle against apartheid. The study contains at least one revelation that can only be described as a bombshell — Mandela was, at least for a time, secretly a member of South Africa’s Communist Party.

The strange thing about Ellis’s bombshell is that South Africans appear to be deaf to its detonation. I know this because I started hyping it to fellow journalists the instant it appeared in print. To a man (or woman) they all shrugged and said, “So what? It’s not really a story.” This tells us something interesting about South Africans: we are at once riven with ideological obsessions and hopelessly ideologically naive.

The blame for this rests largely on our charming and literate Communists, who go to great pains in their memoirs to disguise the true nature of their beliefs. They tell us that they stood for fairness, justice, and racial equality, and against all forms of exploitation and oppression. They’d also like us to believe that their party was outlawed in l950 because they treated blacks as friends and wanted them to enjoy the franchise. Well, yes. I suppose this was a factor, but the overriding consideration that led to the SACP’s banning was something else entirely.

At the Yalta Conference of l945, Soviet dictator Josef Stalin assured the Western powers that all the countries his forces occupied at the end of World War 2 would be allowed to determine their own destinies via free elections. With his international image in mind, Stalin instructed commissars in the occupied territories to observe the outward forms of “bourgeois democracy.” Towards this end, liberals and social democrats were lured into broad fronts in which all key decisions were secretly made by tiny Communist minorities, with the backing of the Soviet’s secret police apparatus.

These Communist conspirators then staged spurious elections that brought Soviet puppet regimes to power throughout Eastern Europe, usually with majorities implausibly close to 100 percent. Historians concede that Tito of Yugoslavia was genuinely popular, but elsewhere, the rule of Soviet proxies was imposed by deceit and enforced by tyranny. Tens of thousands of class enemies were executed, millions imprisoned, all vestiges of freedom eradicated.

The problem with Communist parties, including the South African one, is that they blindly supported this Soviet outrage, and seemed intent on pulling similar moves everywhere. If Joe Slovo and Rusty Bernstein were still alive, they’d stoutly deny such charges, but they’d be lying. We know this because Rusty’s wife Hilda lived long enough to acquire a shrewd understanding of herself and the Communist movement of which she was a life-long part. “Joe and Rusty were hardline Stalinists,” she said in a 2004 interview. “Anything the Soviets did was right. They were very, very pro-Soviet.”

It is important to note that Mrs. Bernstein was by no means suggesting that her husband or Joe were evil men. On the contrary: they were religious zealots who genuinely believed that the Soviets had discovered the cure for all human misery.

“I’ve often thought about this,” she said. “They wanted something bigger than themselves, something to believe in. People are always seeking for the meaning of life and if you’re not religious, what is it? To us, working together in a movement that had rules and attitudes and comradeship gave important meaning to our lives.”

In short, being a Communist was much like being a Christian. One studied the sacred texts of Marx and Engels, engaged in polemics as a form of prayer and ruthlessly suppressed all doubts, including one’s own. Mrs. Bernstein says she was adept at this until l956, when Kruschev revealed the appalling extent of his predecessor Stalin’s atrocities (he murdered around 16 million people, either by having them shot for thought crimes or starving them to death with mad policies). Her husband dismissed these reports as “lies and capitalist propaganda,” but Hilda’s bones told her it was all true.

“We had a fight,” she said, “a battle that went on into the small hours of the morning. I wanted to leave, but we had three dependent children, and there wasn’t any possible way in which we could have separated economically and so on. So we stayed together, and I accommodated myself by refusing to talk about it any more.”
And so it came to pass that Hilda Bernstein, the secret doubter, had a ringside seat for the epochal events of the late fifties and early sixties, a time when her husband Rusty was one of South Africa’s most senior Communists, and one of Mandela’s closest allies moreover.

It was in this capacity that she learned of Madiba’s secret membership in the Communist sect. “Mandela denies that he was ever a member of the party,” she said, “but I can tell you that he was a member of the party for a period.”
When this interview appeared on the website of the O’Malley archive, it caused a brief frisson among old Cold Warriors, especially when former SACP central committee member Brian Bunting verified Hilda’s account. The interview also caught the eye of the aforementioned Professor Ellis, a lifelong student of the byzantine inner workings of SACP. He notes that the SACP of the early sixties was of necessity a pathologically secretive organization, a network of cells with little or no knowledge of each other and no official membership records.

“SACP members were formally required to keep their membership secret,” says Ellis. “In principle, only the members of each four or five-person cell knew each other. One person reported to the next higher level, and so on. But there was also a special category of ultra-secret members who were not required to join a cell and whom even very senior party members might not know about.” With this in mind, Ellis proceeded very cautiously before publishing anything about Mandela’s apparent role in the Communist conspiracy.

One item in his files was an old police report claiming that two arrested Communists had identified Mandela as an SACP member. A similar admission appeared in the minutes of a 1982 SACP meeting. The final breakthrough came when Russian researcher Irina Filitova interviewed veteran conspirator Joe Matthews, who confirmed that Mandela served on the party’s innermost central committee alongside him. “In the light of this evidence,” Ellis concludes, “it seems most likely that Nelson Mandela joined the party in the late l950s or in 1960, and that he was co-opted onto the Central Committee in the latter year, the same year as Joe Matthews.”

Even as I write this I sense that I am losing the average South African. I can almost see you shrugging and saying, “So? This still isn’t a story.” But it is a story, and here’s why: if Ellis’s evidence is correct, the fatal decision to launch a war against apartheid had nothing to do with the ANC. It was a decision taken unilaterally by the Communist Party, and then imposed on ANC president Albert Luthuli by a prominent African nationalist who was secretly a member of the Communist underground. His name: Nelson Mandela.

It seems fair to say that black South Africans have entertained thoughts of armed revolt since the day Jan van Riebeeck landed in Table Bay. It is therefore clear, as Ellis stresses in his landmark paper, that no political party held a patent on the term armed struggle. The Pan-Africanist Congress was dead keen on it, and elements in the ANC thought it was inevitable from the early fifties onwards.

The difference between those organizations and the Communist Party is that peaceful change via the ballot box was never really on the Communist agenda, because that sort of change invariably left the capitalist edifice standing. “Classes do not commit suicide,” said Joe Slovo, a dutiful acolyte of Vladimir Lenin. Enemies of the working class had to be undermined, subverted, and conclusively defeated before the socialist millennium could begin.

There was a time when this socialist millennium did not seem particularly attractive to South Africa’s so-called “bourgeois nationalists,” Marxist code for Africans who would have been perfectly happy to defeat the Boers in a bourgeois democratic election and then help themselves to a fairer share of the nation’s riches. Communists did not approve of “bourgeois nationalists,” and vice versa, which is one reason why Nelson Mandela spent the l940s breaking up Communist rallies with his fists.

In the early fifties, however, the SACP realized that cooperating with the nationalists was likely to hasten the fall of the Boers, thus creating conditions conducive to a more rapid advance towards true socialism. At more or less the same time, nationalists like Mandela realized that the Communists could bring several desirables to the party. Around half of them were white. They had cars, houses, telephones, organizational skills and access to funding. Soon, Communists were supporting the ANC’s legal campaigns and recruiting ANC members into their own underground party.
As Ellis observes, this strategy did not enjoy the approval of the high priests of Marxist-Leninist revolutionary science, who were located in Moscow. It was a home-grown initiative, devised as a means of amplifying the influence of a tiny body of true believers. (At the time, the SACP had barely 500 members.) The SACP was thus delighted to discover, at a 1960 conference in Moscow, that these high priests were now thinking along similar lines. The imperial powers were pulling out of Africa, and alliances with previously detestable nationalists provided a way for tiny bands of Communist intellectuals to stay in the game, and perhaps wind up in control of a few key ex-colonies.

Out of this emerged the SACP’s new revolutionary doctrine, which has always reminded me of the hoary old fable in which a scorpion convinces a frog to carry it across a river. The frog (or bourgeois nationalist) does all the work, staging a “democratic national revolution” that topples the imperial or colonial power. The scorpion (representing the Communist cause) goes along for the ride, only to sting the frog to death just as it reaches the far bank. The punchline of the original remains entirely apposite: scorpions do such things because that is their nature.

Something else happened in l960, something very important. The catalyst was the PAC, a movement of hardline African nationalists who’d broken away from the ANC the previous year on the grounds that it was “dominated by white Communists” whose ultimate loyalties were open to question (see above). In April, l960, the PAC staged a nationwide protest against the hated pass laws. In Sharpeville, police opened fire on a crowd of PAC supporters, killing an estimated 69. The resulting outburst of rage shook the apartheid government to its core, and led to the outright banning of both the PAC and ANC.

From afar, it seemed that the mood in South Africa had at last turned revolutionary, which is presumably why Joe Matthews and Michael Harmel of the SACP were given a stellar reception when they turned up in Beijing a few months later to canvass support for armed struggle.

According to Ellis, the Chinese had previously been sceptical of such plans, but now, the SACP delegates were considered so important that Chairman Mao himself took time to meet them. They were accorded a similar honour in Moscow, where they apparently stayed in Stalin’s former dacha while conducting top-secret talks with senior Soviet officials.

The precise outcome of these discussions remains uncertain, but Ellis presumes that Matthews and Harmel came away with pledges of support, because the SACP now moved swiftly forward, adopting a policy of armed struggle at a conference in Johannesburg “towards the end of 1960.”

It now became necessary for the SACP to convince the ANC to join its initiative. White Communists couldn’t act in this regard, because they weren’t allowed to join the racially exclusive ANC or take part in its deliberations. The task thus fell to black ANC leaders who wore two hats – which is to say, were members of both the ANC and the SACP. In some cases, this joint ANC-SACP affiliation was open and well-known, at least to those in the underground. In others, it was secret. The most important of these secret members was the charismatic Nelson Mandela.

On the day the SACP took its fateful decision, Mandela was a defendant in the Treason Trial, a marathon affair that had been dragging on since l956. The rest of South Africa was extremely tense, but inside Judge Rumpff’s courtroom, the atmosphere was oddly congenial, considering that Mandela and his co-accused were on trial for high treason, and that the three judges were officials of a white supremacist regime that Mandela frequently characterized as “Nazi.”
In theory, the gap between the white judges and the mostly black accused was unbridgeable, but these men had been staring at one another across the courtroom for years, sparring, joking, taking each other’s measure and acquiring a measure of mutual respect.

All the accused were out on bail, but when they were re-detained during the post-Sharpeville State of Emergency, Judge Bekker’s wife came to their aid, running errands on their behalf and carrying messages to their families. Judge Kennedy was so impressed by the pro-ANC testimony of Professor ZK Matthews that he came down from the bench and shook Matthews’ hand, saying, “I hope we meet again under better circumstances.” Judge Rumpff was a grumpy old Afrikaner and a reputed Broederbonder, but even he seemed to be softening.

On March 23, l961, Rumpff took the unprecedented step of interrupting the defence’s closing argument, saying, in effect, we don’t really need to hear this. Some of the accused took this to mean that the judges had decided to disregard the evidence and hang them – the predictable totalitarian outcome. They were wrong. A week later, Rumpff asked the accused to rise, and pronounced every one of them innocent.

This was a dumbfounding outcome, given the enormous resources the apartheid state had devoted to the treason case. Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd was in the habit of telling the world that most blacks supported the principle of separate development, and that only a handful of misguided troublemakers opposed it. Rumpff’s judgement annihilated that argument. In rejecting the state’s case, he had in effect ruled that the ANC’s cause was just, its grievances legitimate, and its strategy of non-violent defiance acceptable in the eyes of reasonable men.

This outcome hugely strengthened the hand of ANC president Albert Luthuli, a devout Christian who continued to believe that peaceful change was possible in South Africa. After the Sharpeville shootings, his stance was bitterly criticized by ANC radicals, who thought the time for talking was over. Rumpff’s verdict suggested otherwise. It showed that South Africa was still a land of law, with judges willing to hand down decisions that infuriated the ruling party.

South Africa also had a relatively free press, a vigorous democracy (albeit for whites only) and, as Mandela acknowledges in Long Walk To Freedom, a police force that still conformed to British norms, with due process respected and torture at this stage unheard-of. Some observers saw Rumpff’s verdict as a watershed of sorts, a development that could easily have led to further liberalization.

Nelson Mandela was totally disinterested. In Long Walk To Freedom, he writes that he went underground within hours of Rumpff’s verdict. Officially, his mission was to organize popular support for a national convention, but Ellis thinks this unlikely. “A close analysis of the campaign for a national convention concludes that this initiative was primarily intended to provide proponents of armed struggle with a paper trail that would justify their forthcoming change of policy,” he writes.

In other words, the SACP was angling to regain the moral high ground. It knew that the verdict had come as a surprise to international observers, who were left wondering if Verwoerd’s regime was indeed as evil as it was held to be. But the SACP also knew that Verwoerd could be relied on to reject any call for a national convention, thus restoring his reputation as an intransigent racist. As Ellis notes, this would allow the party to present the coming declaration of war “in the best possible light for public and international consumption.”

The second leg of Mandela’s underground mission was of course to convince ANC president Albert Luthuli to follow the lead the Communists had taken. Luthuli was not a pacifist per se, but he believed that non-violent options remained viable. Like many others in the ANC and even the SACP, he also believed it would be folly of the highest order to take up arms at a point when the ANC was still struggling to organize effective protests.

Luthuli and Mandela had it out in June l961, at a tumultuous meeting of the ANC’s national executive in Tongaat, Natal. The debate raged through the night, but when the sun rose, Mandela was triumphant; the ANC had authorized him to launch Umkhonto we Sizwe, and to start making preparations for war against the apartheid state.

This is Mandela’s version – or more accurately, one of his versions. In Long Walk, he acknowledges that the outcome of his clash with Luthuli was actually very messy. “The policy of the ANC would still be that of non-violence,” he writes, and the new military organization was required to be “entirely separate from the ANC.” Luthuli himself remained committed to non-violence until his death six years later.

Reading between the lines, Mandela seems to be suggesting that Luthuli was willing to turn a blind eye to his military adventure, provided it did not damage the mother organization. Durban Communist Rowley Arenstein rejected this out hand. “Luthuli was simply brushed aside,” he said. “Adoption of armed struggle by the ANC was the act of a Johannesburg SACP clique, a hijacking.”

Arenstein was subsequently purged from the party. Mandela returned to Johannesburg to plan his sabotage campaign, heedless of the counsel of men with clearer heads. “If you throw a stone into the window of a man’s house,” said SACP general secretary Moses Kotane, “you must be prepared for him to come out and chase you. The backlash will be fantastic. The police will go mad.”

The first MK bombs went off on December 16, 1961. The rest is history.

– article by Rian, August 16, 2011

Source – Mandela & the Church Street Bombing

The next Malema


Is Ronald Lamola ready to lead?

While former ANC Youth League president Julius Malema’s detractors may be quietly smirking at the youth leader’s apparent demise over the weekend, his most likely successor is set to up the ante in the push for radical economic policy change.

Deputy league president Ronald Lamola is said to be eagerly waiting in the wings should Malema fail in his attempt to reverse his suspension from the ANC.

On Saturday the ANC national disciplinary committee (NDC) of appeals upheld the five-year suspension meted out to Malema in November.

Malema, Lamola, treasurer general Pule Mabe, secretary general Sindiso Magaqa, deputy secretary general Kenetswe Mosenogi and spokesperson Floyd Shivambu were suspended from the ANC last year after the NDC found them guilty of sowing division within the ANC and of bringing the party into disrepute, partly as a result of comments regarding bringing about regime change in Botswana.

Malema now has the opportunity to offer evidence in mitigation of sentence in the hope his suspension will be repealed or shortened.

The ANC NDC must reconvene within the next fortnight to hear evidence from Malema and Shivambu, whose suspension was also upheld.

Lamola, Mabe, Magaqa and Mosenogi all earned a reprieve as they were cleared of a charge of barging into a meeting of high-ranking ANC officials.

As such Lamola has a clear path to the league’s presidency, should Malema fail in his bid to quash his suspension.

More aggression, less abrasion

It was previously speculated that Mabe was angling to take over the league’s presidency, but this seems to no longer be the case as supporters believe Lamola will be the one called on to replace Malema, sources within the league told the Mail & Guardian.

Lamola, a qualified attorney from Mpumalanga, is said to be just as determined as Malema when it comes to the call for controversial polices like land expropriation without compensation and the nationalisation of mines.

In some cases, Lamola is also regarded as being more vociferous than Malema, and will offer added impetus to the league’s economic freedom in our lifetime programme.

“Lamola will advance the struggle much more aggressively than Julius and do so without the abrasiveness. He’s cool, calm and collected, but challenge him and he’ll destroy you,” a league member close to Lamola told the M&G on condition of anonymity.

Additionally, Lamola is seen as having less baggage than Malema, and so will be able to flex more political muscle in the call for sweeping policy reform.

“He doesn’t just talk for the sake of talking and hasn’t made enemies unnecessarily. When Ronald talks you know it is coming from a man that isn’t interested in business or tenders; it’s about the people,” the source said.

‘The ideal candidate’

League supporters throughout the country believe Lamola is “the ideal candidate” to carry the torch should Malema fall, supporters said.

“Lamola understands what the ANCYL wants to do and where it is going. He is far more militant in his speeches than Malema and has the ability to argue a point without insulting you,” a league member from Lusikisiki in the Eastern Cape said.

This has been echoed by another member in Ekhuruleni who said that while the league was “sad about Julius” it didn’t mean “the road stops”.

“Even if they can get rid of Julius, Lamola will take up the fight and he will be a far tougher nut to crack — he is relentless,” says the source.

He also confirmed that rank and file members have been instructed not to talk about the matter to the media or to members of the mother body for fear of the league’s strategy being revealed.

Malema support

Nonetheless, it should be a while before Lamola has the opportunity to start his supposed reign.

According to reports in the Sunday Times and elsewhere this week, the league is planning to fight tooth and nail to assist Malema as he combats his suspension.

This could include opting for further delaying tactics when the NDC attempts to reconvene, taking up the matter with the ANC national executive committee and even mounting a legal challenge through the courts.

A league member told the paper the ANC’s elective conference in Mangaung in December would be the best opportunity to overturn the decision against Malema.

But for now it is a waiting game for his supporters as they try to out-manoeuvre the ANC.

“The fight is nearing the end but we will continue to support him. It would be unfair to simply sail Malema down the river now,” a league member from Johannesburg said.

For more news and multimedia on ANC Youth League president Julius Malema view our special report.

By Nickolaus Bauer | Mail & Guardian Online – Sun, Feb 5, 2012

SourceThe next Malema: Is Ronald Lamola ready to lead?

Six South African farmers killed in January 2012


Six farmers have been killed in different parts of the country during January this year, farmers’ union TAU SA said today.

Six South African farmers killed in January 2011

“Farm murders in South Africa seem to be on the rise this year as compared to last year, when only one farmer was killed during the same period,” general manager Bennie van Zyl said in a statement.

“This is unacceptable… we tried to convince the government to take action for several years but nothing has been done.”

The union this week started a campaign to spread awareness about farm killings in the country.

Van Zyl said it was being extended to European countries.

He accused the government of turning a deaf ear to the union’s call to fight farm killings.

Van Zyl said TAU SA no longer had any means to protect farmers, whom he described as the country’s food producers.

“The only response we got from the government when we raised the issue of farm killings is that farm attacks are no longer a priority but a concern.”

“Only 35 000 commercial farmers remain in this country, but the contributions they make to the economy are immense.”

Van Zyl said the union’s spokesman, Henk van de Graaf, had flown to a few European countries this week to present the full scope of farm attacks to political parties, cultural organisations, governments, and others.

He said if the South African government did not heed its call to act against farm attacks, the organisation would convince European governments to get involved.

by SAPA

Source – Six farmers killed in January

Zuma’s State of the Nation address


South African president Jacob Zuma’s State of the Nation address as delivered on 9 February 2012 at 19:00 South African time.


Honourable Speaker of the National Assembly,
Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces;
Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly and Deputy Chairperson of the NCOP;
Deputy President of the Republic, Honourable Kgalema Motlanthe;
Former Deputy President FW De Klerk,
Former Deputy President Baleka Mbete,
Honourable Chief Justice of the Republic, and all esteemed members of the Judiciary;
Honourable Chairperson of the SADC Parliamentary Forum and Speaker of the
Parliament of Zimbabwe; Mr Lovemore Moyo,
Honourable Ministers and Deputy Ministers,
Honourable Minister of International Relations of the Republic of Angola, Mr Rebelo Chikoti,
Honourable Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Mozambique, Mr Julio Baloi,
Distinguished Premiers and Speakers of our Provinces;
Chairperson of SALGA, and all local government leadership;
Chairperson of the National House of Traditional Leaders;
The Heads of Chapter 9 Institutions;
The Governor of the Reserve Bank;
Leaders of all sectors from business, sports, traditional and religious leaders,
Members of the diplomatic corps;
Special and distinguished guests,
Fellow South Africans,


Dumelang, good evening, goeie naand, molweni, thobela, abuxeni!

I would like to extend warm greetings to all on this important day.

It is an honour to speak to South Africans in this House and in their homes and viewing centres around the country.

I also extend a warm welcome to Ambassadors and High Commissioners representing 146 countries, with which South Africa has diplomatic relations. We value your presence in our country.

Compatriots and friends,

This State of the Nation Address takes place during a significant year in the history of our country, the centenary of the ruling party, the African National Congress.

In marking this occasion we are recognising the work of all South Africans in bringing about a truly free, non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and prosperous country.

We wish to single out the former presidents of the ANC who led our struggle for liberation and of creating a better life across generations. We salute John Langalibalele Dube, Sefako Makgatho, Zac Mahabane, Josiah Gumede, Pixley ka Isaka Seme, AB Xuma, JS Moroka, Chief Albert Luthuli, Oliver Tambo, Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki.

We welcome the families of the former ANC Presidents who are our special guests this evening.

We also recognise other components of the liberation movement – the Black Consciousness Movement which was led by Mr Steve Biko, whose son Samora is also our special guest, and the Pan-Africanist Congress which was led by Mr Robert Sobukwe.

We acknowledge too, the contribution of the late former MP, Ms Helen Suzman, who was a lone voice in this very House, speaking out against oppressive laws.

Honourable Members,

Compatriots and friends,

The year 2012 is also special because it marks the 16th anniversary of the Constitution of the Republic, which gives full expression to our democratic ideals.

The Constitution is South Africa’s fundamental vision statement, which guides our policies and actions. We reaffirm our commitment to advance the ideals of our country’s Constitution at all times.

Compatriots and friends,

At the January Cabinet lekgotla, we decided to undertake a mid-term review, looking at progress from 2009 till now instead of the usual annual review.

The mid-term review indicated steady progress in various areas such as health, education, the fight against crime, human settlements, energy, water provision, rural development and others.

However, the triple challenge of unemployment, poverty and inequality persists, despite the progress made. Africans, women and the youth continue to suffer most from this challenge.

Somlomo nosihlalo abahloniphekileyo,

Njengekhabhinethi kazwelonke sithathe isinqumo sokuthikufanele senze ngokwedlulele, ukukhulisa umnotho wezwe, ukuze siqede lezizinkinga zokwesweleka kwemisebenzi, ubumpofu kanye nokungalingani ezweni.

Ilezo zinto ezintathu esizobhekana nazo ngqo, kulonyaka naseminyakeni ezayo.

Compatriots,

When freedom was attained in 1994, South Africa inherited a problem of structural unemployment which goes back to the 1970s. Employment continued to deteriorate in the 1990s and the early 2000s due to slow growth and declining employment in gold mining and agriculture.

Although jobs grew rapidly during the boom of 2003 to 2008, unemployment did not fall below 20%.

Employment received another setback in the recession of 2009.

Fortunately, Government entered the 2008-2009 recession with healthy public finances, and a comparatively low level of debt.

This allowed for a flexible response to deteriorating economic conditions.

For example, we increased spending on social security and on infrastructure development to stimulate the economy, mainly through the 2010 FIFA Soccer World Cup build programme.

Informed by some of these difficulties and the need to move away from piecemeal planning, we took a decision in 2009 to establish the National Planning Commission and asked them to produce a national development plan for the country, informed by the Constitution of the Republic.

The Commission released the first draft of the National Development Plan for consideration, which looks at where we want to be in 20 years’ time.

The Plan also directly addresses the elimination of poverty and inequality as critical points that must be attended to.

The solution for the country therefore, is higher growth and job creation to reduce and ultimately eradicate poverty and inequality.

As a developmental state that is located at the centre of a mixed economy, we see our role as being to lead and guide the economy and to intervene in the interest of the poor, given the history of our country.

Informed by this responsibility, in2010 we launched the New Growth Path framework and identified our job drivers as infrastructure development, tourism, agriculture, mining, manufacturing and the green economy.

We declared 2011 the year of job creation, and mobilised our social partners, namely business, labour and the community sector, to work with us in implementing the New Growth Path.

The results are encouraging, although we are not out of the woods yet, given the global economic situation.

The fourth quarter figures released on Tuesday, indicate that the rate of unemployment has come down from twenty-five percent to 23.9% as a result of new jobs.

During 2011, a total of 365 000 people were employed. This is the country’s best performance since the recession of 2008.

What is also important is that all the new jobs are in the formal sector of the economy, in sectors such as mining, transport, community services and trade to name a few.

There are two main things that we did right in 2011 which are contributing to this joint success.

Firstly, we mainstreamed job creation in every government entity including state owned enterprises.

Secondly, we strengthened social dialogue and cooperation between government, business and the community sector.

The Accords, signed by government, business and labour on procurement, skills development, basic education, and the green economy, confirm our common purpose and determination to build this country.

Government alone cannot solve the challenges faced by the country, but working together, solutions are possible.

Compatriots,

Let me take this opportunity to report back on the undertakings made in the SONA last year.

The Job Fund which we announced last year began operating in June. Over 2 500 applications were received in the first round. Project allocations of over one billion rand have been committed.

We had also announced 20 billion rand worth of incentives under Section 12(i) of the Income Tax Act, designed to support new industrial projects and manufacturing, and seven projects with an investment value of 8,4 billion rand were approved.

The procurement regulations empowering the Department of Trade and Industry to designate specific industries where local content is prescribed came into effect in December.

The sectors include clothing textiles, canned vegetables, leather and footwear.

Progress has also been made in amalgamating small business institutions, and a new entity will be launched this year.

We had announced 10 billion rand to be set aside by the IDC for job creation.

To date, about one point five billion rand was approved for 60 companies to promote job creation.

Compatriots and friends,

The mining industry, one of the job drivers in the New Growth Path, plays a critical role in the socio-economic development of the country.

As part of addressing the triple challenge of poverty, inequality and unemployment, government has developed a beneficiation strategy, which seeks to provide opportunities in the downstream part of the minerals sector.

We remain committed to the creation of a favourable and globally competitive mining sector, and to promote the industry to attract investment and achieve both industrial growth and much-needed transformation.

Honourable Speaker,

Honourable Chairperson of the NCOP,

The work done last year indicates that if we continue to grow reasonably well, we will begin to write a new story about South Africa—the story of how, working together, we drove back unemployment and reduced economic inequality and poverty.

It is beginning to look possible.

We must not lose this momentum.

For the year 2012 and beyond, we invite the nation to join government in a massive infrastructure development drive.

Baba Somlomo noSihlalo,

Sizoqala umkhankaso omkhulu wokwakha izingqalazizinda ezweni lonke. Lokhu kuzophakamisa izinga lomnotho, futhi kuveze amathuba emisebenzi.

Compatriots,

We will use the project management expertise gained during the 2010 FIFA Soccer World Cup to make this project a success.

The infrastructure plan will be driven and overseen by the Presidential Infrastructure Coordinating Commission, (PICC), which was established in September, bringing together Ministers, Premiers and Metro Mayors under the leadership of the President and the Deputy President.

The PICC has identified and developed projects and infrastructure initiatives from state-owned enterprises as well as national, provincial and local government departments.

These have been clustered, sequenced and prioritised into a pipeline of strategic integrated projects.

We have chosen five major geographically-focussed programmes, as well as projects focusing on health and basic education infrastructure, information and communication technologies and regional integration.

The projects are as follows;

Firstly, we plan to develop and integrate rail, road and water infrastructure, centred around two main areas in Limpopo: the Waterberg in the Western part of the province and Steelpoort in the eastern part.

These efforts are intended to unlock the enormous mineral belt of coal, platinum, palladium, chrome and other minerals, in order to facilitate increased mining as well as stepped-up beneficiation of minerals.

Using the developments in Limpopo as a base, we will expand rail transport in Mpumalanga, connecting coalfields to power stations.

This will enable us to decisively shift from road to rail in the transportation of coal, which has caused a deterioration of the roads in Mpumalanga.

The eastern parts of the North West province will also benefit from the greater focus on infrastructure connected to mining and mineral beneficiation.

Secondly, we will improve the movement of goods and economic integration through a Durban-Free State-Gauteng logistics and industrial corridor.

This project is intended to connect the major economic centres of Gauteng and Durban/Pinetown, and at the same time, connect these centres with improved export capacity through our sea-ports.

In this regard, I am pleased to announce the Market Demand Strategy of Transnet, which entails an investment, over the next seven years, of three hundred billion rand in capital projects.

Of this amount, 200 billion rand is allocated to rail projects and the majority of the balance, to projects in the ports.

Amongst the list of planned projects, is the expansion of the Iron Ore Export channel from 60 million tons per annum to 82 million tons per annum.

It also includes various improvements to the Durban-Gauteng Rail corridor and the phased development of a new 16 million tons per annum manganese export channel through the Port of Ngqura in Nelson Mandela Bay.

The Market Demand Strategy will result in the creation of more jobs in the South African economy, as well as increased localization and Black Economic Empowerment. It will also position South Africa as a regional trans-shipment hub for Sub-Saharan Africa and deliver on NEPAD’s regional integration agenda.

We have also been looking at the necessity of reducing port charges, as part of reducing the costs of doing business. The issue of high port charges was one of those raised sharply by the automotive sector in Port Elizabeth and Uitenhage during my performance monitoring visit to the sector last year.

In this regard, I am pleased to announce that the Port Regulator and Transnet have agreed to an arrangement which will result in exporters of manufactured goods, receiving a significant decrease in port charges, during the coming year, equal to about 1 billion rand in total.

Thirdly, we will develop a major new South Eastern node that will improve the industrial and agricultural development and export capacity of the Eastern Cape region, and expand the province’s economic and logistics linkages with the Northern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal.

In the former Transkei part of the Eastern Cape, we are committed to building a dam using the Umzimvubu River as the source, in order to expand agricultural production.

In addition, the implementation of the Mthatha revitalization project, which is a Presidential special project, is proceeding very well.

Work is at an advanced stage to improve water, sanitation, electricity, roads, human settlements, airport development and institutional and governance issues.

Fourthly, in the North West, we will expand the roll-out of water, roads, rail and electricity infrastructure. Ten priority roads will be upgraded.

Fifthly, we see enormous potential along the west coast of the country and need to improve infrastructure to unlock this potential.

Our plans include the expansion of the iron-ore rail line between Sishen in Northern Cape and Saldanha Bay in the Western Cape, which will create large numbers of jobs in both provinces.

The iron-ore capacity on the transport-side will increase capacity to 100 million tons per annum.

This will allow for the expansion of iron-ore mining over the next decade to feed the developing world’s growing investment in infrastructure and industrial activities.

Compatriots,

We have also identified critical social infrastructure projects. These include projects aimed at laying the basis for the National Health Insurance system such as the refurbishment of hospitals and nurses’ homes.

A total of 300 million rand has been allocated for the preparatory work towards building new universities in Mpumalanga and Northern Cape.

Another infrastructure project with great potential is South Africa’s bid to host the Square Kilometre Array radio telescope in partnership with eight other African countries. The winning bid will be announced next month. We urge you to support the country’s bid.

Lastly, our infrastructure work extends beyond our borders. South Africa champions the North-South Road and Rail Corridor, which is part of the African Union’s NEPAD Presidential Infrastructure Championing initiative.

Work in this regard, comprises various inter-related projects that cover roads and railways, border crossings, energy and information and communication technologies.

Compatriots,

The massive investment in infrastructure must leave more than just power stations, rail-lines, dams and roads. It must industrialise the country, generate skills and boost much needed job creation.

I will convene a Presidential infrastructure summit to discuss the implementation of the plan with potential investors and social partners.

Honourable Speaker, Honourable Chairperson of the NCOP,

I would now like to discuss matters relating to the extension of basic services, addressing inequalities, peace and security and social cohesion.

I received a lot of valuable correspondence in the run-up to this SONA. Such interaction enables us keep in touch with our people and their needs.

I received an email relating to a housing problem from Mzukisi Mali, a public servant from the Fingo area in Grahamstown. He wrote;

“In 1994 my income was too high to get an RDP and too low to get a

bond, this continued until to date.I have three children and my

wife is not working.

“When I apply for an RDP I am told that I do not qualify and cannot get a bond because I am risky to the banks…’’

Fortunately we have gone some way to address the problem facing Mr Mali and many others.

In 2010, we announced a one billion rand guarantee fund to promote access to loans.

We are pleased to report that this fund will start its operations in April, managed by the National Housing Finance Corporation. The scheme will enable the Banks to lend to people who are in a similar situation as Mr Mali.

In addition, from April, people earning between three thousand five hundred rand and

R 15 000, will be able to obtain a subsidy of up to R83 000 from Provinces, to enable them to obtain housing finance from an accredited Bank.

Ungalilahli ithemba Mr Mali nabaningi abanye, kuzolunga ngenxa yalomxhaso ozotholakala kohulumeni bezifundazwe, kanye nalomshwalense omusha ozokwenza kubelula kumabhange ukuthi aniboleke imali.

Compatriots,

There is an ongoing concern from business and communities about high electricity costs.

I have asked Eskom to seek options on how the price increase requirement may be reduced over the next few years, in support of economic growth and job creation and give me proposals for consideration.

We need an electricity price path which will ensure that Eskom and the industry remain financially viable and sustainable, but which remains affordable especially for the poor.

However to achieve sustainability, a pact will be required with all South Africans – including business, labour, municipalities, communities and all customers and suppliers.

We must save electricity.

For the next two years, until the Medupi and Kusile power stations come into operation, the electricity system will be very tight.

We should all play our part in order to avoid load shedding.

To increase energy capacity we will continue searching for renewable energy sources, especially solar electricity and biofuels as we implement the Green Economy Accord with economic stakeholders.

To date we have installed more than 220 000 solar geysers nationwide.

The Government target is one million solar geysers by 2014-2015.

Honourable Members,

Compatriots,

Government continues to extend access to basic water supply. However, clearly, water access is still a challenge in some areas.

An email from Mmatsheko Pine from Hammanskraal is a case in point.

The writer says; “There is the area called Ngobi near Hammanskraal, under Moretele Local Municipality, the people residing in the area are now old, aged and mostly sick.

“The area has been without water for the past two years. People rely on rain to harvest water.

There are water pipes and machines installed but the problem is said to be pressure to pump water. Could your office kindly assist with the powers that be?”.

I have asked the Minister of Water and Environmental Affairs to investigate this matter with a view to finding an urgent solution.

Water expansion has been delayed in some parts of the country due to a lack of infrastructure.This is being attended to. For example, five new water augmentation schemes are on schedule.

These are Olifants River Water Resource in Steelpoort in Limpopo Province, the Vaal River Eastern Sub-System in Secunda in Mpumalanga, Komati Water Augmentation Scheme in Nkangala in Mpumalanga, the raising of Hazelmere dam in KwaZulu-Natal and the Clan William Dam in Clan William in the Western Cape. In addition, nine out of 25 dams have been rehabilitated.

In relation to the announcements we made during the United Nations COP 17 climate change conference, an amount of 248 million rand is to be invested over next two years to deal with the issue of Acid Mine Drainage in Witwatersrand.

Let me take this opportunity to congratulate the inter-ministerial committee on COP 17 for making the conference a huge success

The final outcome of COP 17 was historic and precedent setting, ranking with the 1997 conference where the Kyoto Protocol was adopted.

Building on the success of COP 17, South Africa will participate in the Rio plus 20 Summit in Brazil, which marks the 10th anniversary of the World Summit on Sustainable Development.

Honourable Speaker and Honourable Chairperson,

Our intensive focus on education is paying off.

We are pleased that the matric percentage pass is on an upward trend.We congratulate the teachers, learners, parents and the communities for the efforts.

We will continue to invest in producing more teachers who can teach mathematics, science and African languages.

Compatriots,

Our call to teachers to be in school, in class, on time, teaching for at least seven hours a day remains pivotal to success. We thank the teacher unions for supporting this campaign.

A major achievement is the doubling ofGrade R enrolment, from 300 000 in 2003 to 705 000 in 2011. We appear poised to meet our target of 100% coverage for Grade R by 2014.

To fight poverty and inequality and to keep learners in school, over 8 million learners attend no-fee schools while over eight million benefit from government’s school feeding scheme.

Last year, national government instituted a Section 100 (1)(b) intervention in the Eastern Cape, to assist the department of education to improve the delivery of education.

Problems included non-delivery of textbooks, non-payment of scholar transport, excess teachers and a general poor culture of learning and teaching.

The implementation of the intervention will continue and we are working well with the province in this regard. Sizimisele ukwenza immeko yemfundo ibengcono eMpuma Koloni. We call on all stakeholders to work with us to make this turnaround a success.

Compatriots,

During the 2010 FIFA Soccer World Cup, we resolved that the South African legacy would be to promote universal access to education.

School attendance in the country is now close to 100 percent for the compulsory band, 7-15 years of age.But we remain concerned by the report of the General Household Survey in 2010 that just over 120 000 children in that band are out of school.

Grade 10 drop outs appear to be a problem, particularly in the rural and farm areas of the Western Cape.

The national Government will work closely with the Western Cape government, to trace these learners and provide support so that they do not lose their future.

With regards to higher education, we are exceeding targets. Close to 14 000 learners were placed in workplace learning opportunities over the past year, and over 11 000 artisans have completed their trade tests.

Siyajabula ukubona ukuthi liyanda inani lentsha efunda amakhono kulamakolishi abizwa phecelezi ngama(Further Education and Training Colleges)

Siyaninxusa bazali ukuthi nigqugquzele izingane zifunde kulamakolishi. Akufanele zicabange ukuthi imisebenzi ifundelwa emanyuvesi kuphela.

Siyawadinga amakhono atholakala kulamakolishi.

(To expand access to tertiary education as per our announcement last year,200 million rand was utilised to assist 25 000 students to pay off their debts to institutions of higher learning)

Compatriots and friends,

We congratulate the health sector as well as the South African National Aids Council led by the Deputy President of the Republic on the success of the HIV and AIDS programme.

While we are doing well with regards to treatment and the prevention of mother to child transmission, general prevention efforts must also be accelerated.

We also wish to encourage South Africans to live healthier lives to reduce the impact of non-communicable diseases such as diabetes, heart disease and hypertension.

Compatriots and friends,

The year 2013 will mark the centenary of the Natives Land Act of 1913, which took away 87 percent of the land from the African people.

The Constitution requires that the State must realise the restitution of land rights for those who were dispossessed by the 1913 law.

We have only distributed 8% of the 30% target of land redistribution for 2014 that we set ourselves. The process is slow and tedious and there is general agreement that the willing buyer- willing seller option has not been the best way to address this question.

That is why have introduced a new policy framework, the Green Paper on Land Reform.

We urge the public to participate in the process of improving land redistribution and reform to reverse the impact of the 1913 Act.

Honourable Speaker,

Compatriots,

On economic transformation, we are amending the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act. The amendments amongst other things, establish a statutory Commission that would deal with non-compliance and circumvention.

The proposed law will also criminalise fronting and other forms of empowerment misrepresentation.

With regards to issues of disability, we have directed all government departments to ensure that we meet the target we set several years ago of having 2% of people employed in the Public Service to be disabled persons.

We are also working towards a

Women Empowerment and Gender Equality Bill, to promote compliance in both government and the private sector and to provide for sanctions in the case of non-compliance.

Meanwhile, the NEDLAC Process on the Atypical Forms of Employment and Labour Broking has now been completed.

Government seeks to eliminate all forms of abusive practices inherent in labour broking, in order to strengthen the protection of vulnerable workers. We trust that common ground will be found this year on this matter.

Compatriots,

In 2009 we made a commitment to accelerate the fight against crime and corruption.

The crime statistics for the period 2010/2011 indicate that our country witnessed a decline of 5% in the number of reported serious crimes compared to the previous year.

We will however, not become complacent. We are continuing to implement our programmes of making South Africans feel safe and to be safe.

We also continue to improve the performance of the state in various ways, including the fight against corruption.

The Multi-Agency Working Group on procurement led by the National Treasury, SARS and the Financial Intelligence Centre is reviewing the entire state procurement system to ensure better value for money from state spending.

Initiatives include the vetting of supply chain personnel in government departments.

To further improve security, the Department of Home Affairs, signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the banking industry, to roll out the online fingerprint verification system in all participating banks, to assist in fraud prevention and detection.

Compatriots and friends,

We are working with various provinces to improve governance, systems and administration.

These include Gauteng to improve health service delivery, the Free State on transport and roads and Limpopo to improve governance and financial administration in five departments, including the provincial treasury.

We welcome the launch of Corruption Watch by COSATU, as well as the recent agreement between government and business to implement anti-corruption programmes.

These interventions will complement the work of government in combating corruption.

Compatriots and friends,

As part of promoting social cohesion, this year we will undertake and continue many heritage projects.

Museums and centres to be unveiled will include the 1980 Matola Raid museum in Maputo, the Ncome museum in KwaZulu-Natal, phase 2 of the Freedom Park museum and the Steve Biko heritage centre in Ginsberg in King Williamstown.

We have also prioritised thehomes and graves of former ANC Presidents and other national heroes including Thomas Maphikela, Lillian Ngoyi, Walter and Albertina Sisulu, Griffiths and Victoria Mxenge, Robert Sobukwe and others.

Memorial sites to be prioritised include that of the Pondo Revolt, the sites of the Frontier Wars, the 1913 revolt by African women in the Free State, the 1957 anti-pass revolt by women in Zeerust, the Rocklands Civic Centre in Mitchells Plein where the United Democratic Front was formed and the Gugulethu Seven monument in Cape Town.

We are also in the process of purchasing and rehabilitating the Winnie Mandela house in Brandfort, the Dr. Moroka house in Thaba Nchu and the Bram Fischer house in Westdene.

Additional projects include the launch of the Dube Tradeport and the unveiling of the statue of John Dube at King Shaka International Airport next month and renaming the Kings House presidential residence in Durban after Dr Dube.

The Presidential Guest House in Pretoria will be named after Mr Sefako Makgatho and the Diplomatic Guest House in Pretoria after the late prolific diplomat, Mr Johnny Makatini.

Government will also table the National Traditional Affairs Bill which makes provision for the recognition of the Khoi-San communities, their leadership and structures.

It is important to remember that the Khoi-San people were the most brutalised by colonialists who tried to make them extinct, and undermined their language and identity. As a free and democratic South Africa today, we cannot ignore to correct the past.

I discussed this matter extensively with the Khoi-San community when I met with them in Cape Town last year and we agreed to work together to redress the injustices of the past.

Compatriots,

Next year 2013, the seat of government, the majestic Union Buildings, will mark 100 years of existence and planning will start this year to mark the centenary.

Fellow South Africans,

We must perform better in sports this year! Our star performer, Oscar Pistorius has set the standard for the year by winning the 2012 Laureus Sportsperson of the Year with a Disability Award.Congratulations for this achievement.

We also congratulate the national women’s soccer team Banyana Banyana for qualifying for the London Olympics for the first time. With our support, they will do well.

We have been given the honour to host the Africa Cup of Nations next year, replacing Libya as they are unable to do so.

Compatriots,

Allow me to use this opportunity to extend heartiest congratulations and good wishes to Mama Rebecca Kotane, wife of former ANC treasurer general, Moses Kotane and SACP general secretary, who will turn 100 years old on Sunday the 12th of February.

The Young Men’s Guild of the Methodist Church of Southern Africa, Amadodana aseWesile, is also celebrating 100 years this year.

Another centenary celebration is that of Omama Besililo of the United Congregational Church of South Africa.

We wish them all successful celebrations.

Compatriots,

We have outlined a busy infrastructure implementation programme for now until 2014 and beyond.

I would like to appeal to all our people to join hands as they always do, as we deal decisively with the triple challenges of unemployment, poverty and inequality. Nobody will do this for us, it is in our hands. And we are all equal to the task.

As we get back to work tomorrow, let us internalise the words of ANC Women’s League founding president Charlotte Maxeke who said in her Presidential address to the National Council of African Women.

“This work is not for yourselves — kill that spirit of self, and do not live above your people, but live with them. If you can rise, bring someone with you’’.

I thank you.

Source – Zuma’s State of the Nation address

Ál minder wittes in Suid-Afrika


Suid-Afrika se wit mense word al hoe minder. Nie net het talle wit mense die land die afgelope dekade vir groener weivelde verlaat nie, dié wat oor is, het minder kinders as hul voorouers.

Die Suid-Afrikaanse Instituut vir Rasseverhoudinge (SAIRR) raam die wit bevolking sal binne die volgende 15 jaar met 8% of 355 000 mense afneem. Die SAIRR skat die land sal teen 2025 sowat 4 087 350 wit mense hê; 1 219 112 Indiërs; 5 109 549 bruin mense en 45 839 896 swart mense.

Hoewel die SAIRR nie syfers het vir die getal wit mense wat geëmigreer het nie, is daar ’n aansienlike gaping in die ouderdomsgroep van 20 tot 40 jaar op die grafiek oor die samestelling van die wit bevolking. Die enigste verklaring is dat dié mense die land verlaat het.

Verstedeliking, geletterdheid en ambisie verklaar ook hoekom wit vroue al hoe minder kinders het.

Volgens mnr. Thuthukani Ndebele, navorser verbonde aan die SAIRR, beklee al hoe meer wit vroue topposte by die werk en geniet hulle persentasiegewys groter verteenwoordiging op dié vlak as vroue van ander rasse.

“’n Loopbaan is vir hulle (wit vroue) belangriker as om ’n gesin te hê. Hulle is beter geletterd en het groter vryheid om te kies wanneer hulle kinders wil hê en hoeveel.”

Voorts woon die meeste wit mense in stedelike gebiede – Kaapstad, Johannesburg, die Oos-Rand en Pretoria – waar dit moeilik is om ’n groot gesin te hê.

“Wit mense en Indiërs het ’n ­hoër lewenstandaard en dit word gewoonlik vereenselwig met laer geboortesyfers,” het Ndebele gesê.

Die omvattende statistieke oor die stand van die land wat demografie, ekonomie, werkskepping, arbeid, onderwys, gesondheid, lewenspeil, misdaad en regering betref, is in die SAIRR se South Africa Survey vir die 2010-’11-boekjaar vervat.

Dié opname word jaarliks uitgereik en het opnuut bevestig dat wit mense die minste deur werkloosheid geraak word en beter betaal word as mense van ander rasse.

Bykans 1 uit elke 3 swart mense (29%) is werkloos, terwyl minder as 1 uit elke 10 wit mense (6%) in dieselfde bootjie is. Daar is 4,3 miljoen werklose mense in die land van wie 3,7 miljoen of 86% swart is; 440 000 bruin, 64 000 Indiërs en 124 000 wit. Voorts is 72% van die werkloses tussen die ouderdom van 15 en 34 jaar.

Volgens die SAIRR beloop Suid-Afrikaners se gemiddelde jaarlikse inkomste R36 253 per persoon. As dit egter volgens ras bereken word, verdien wit mense jaarliks gemiddeld R149 000 per persoon en is swart mense die laags besoldigde groep met ’n jaarlikse inkomste van R21 075 per persoon.

Die meeste bestuursposte word steeds deur wit mans beklee (34%), gevolg deur swart mans (22%), wit vroue (14%), swart vroue (11,4%), bruin mans (6,3%) en bruin vroue (3,9%).

Só gaan die samestelling van Suid-Afrika se bevolking verander:

  •  Die aantal wit mense sal van 2010 tot 2025 met 8% of sowat 355 000 afneem.
  • Al die ander bevolkingsgroepe se getalle sal in dieselfde tydperk styg: swart mense met 14%; bruin mense met 13% en Indiërs met 0,8%.
  • Wit mense het van 1911 tot 2011 met 260% toegeneem (van 1,27 miljoen in 1911 tot 4,56 miljoen teen 2011). Dit is die laagste groeisyfer van alle rasse in ’n eeu. Swart mense het in dieselfde tydperk met 900% toegeneem tot 40,2 miljoen; bruin mense met 770% tot 4,5 miljoen en Indiërs met 740% tot 1,2 miljoen.
  • Die bevolkingsgroei het van 1992 tot 2011 egter verlangsaam: wit mense het in dié tyd met 6,8% toegeneem; swart mense met 43%; bruin mense met 37% en Indiërs met 30%.
  • In 1911 het wit mense 21% van die bevolking uitgemaak; vandag is dit 9% en teen 2040 sal dit 7,3% wees.
  • In 1911 het swart mense 67% van die bevolking uitgemaak, vandag is dit 79,5% en teen 2040 sal dit 81% wees.
  • In 1911 het bruin mense 9% van die bevolking uitgemaak, vandag is dit steeds 9% en teen 2040 sal dit 9,3% wees.
  • In 1911 het Indiërs 3% van die bevolking uitgemaak, vandag is dit 2,5% en teen 2040 sal dit 2,3% wees.

deur Lizel Steenkamp

Bron – Rapport – Ál minder wittes in Suid-Afrika

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