SA Government spent R14m on counting cushions

The department of public works spent about R14m recording and valuing scatter cushions, curtains and Persian rugs, it was reported on Sunday.

Annual reports which detailed outsourced state work between April last year and March this year, showed generous outlays on flowers, interior decoration, awards functions and work which could have been done in-house, City Press reported.

According to the newspaper various government departments spent R143m of taxpayers’ money.

Parliament reportedly spent more than R3m on plants and flowers, and the presidency spent almost R28m on the presidential review committee on state-owned enterprises.

Details of the committee’s costs were handed to Cabinet last month and had yet to be made public.

City Press reported that the environmental affairs department spent R40m on an exhibition, including the construction of a temporary exhibition centre, to showcase the government’s conservation efforts during COP17.

Another R55m was spent on awareness campaigns.

The public service and administration department spent more than R550 000 on its centre for public service innovation awards. This included R70 500 on a “voting gadget”, R69 900 on sound hire and R281 580 to record the event, the newspaper reported.

Source – news24Govt spent R14m on counting cushions


South African websites under threat

A badly drafted law easily allows anyone to censor the content of websites hosted in South Africa, writes Leon de Kock.

“We live in a phantom democracy.”

When I first heard these words, uttered by writer-critic-iconoclast Ashraf Jamal at a Stellenbosch University research seminar a few weeks ago, I regarded them as yet more unnecessary Safropessimism, despite my own misgivings about our democracy.

Then something happened that made me revise my opinion. Jamal is on the money, at least in one respect: digital freedom of expression in South Africa today is a phantom.

You do not like the Daily Maverick‘s review of your new novel? Unhappy about abrasive comments on BooksLive by an uppity member of the public about your collected essays, or on Slipnet about your recent live-poetry performance?

Well, unlike novelist Alice Hoffman, who called reviewer Roberta Silman a “moron” on Twitter after Silman published a stinging review of her novel in the Boston Globe, in South Africa you do not have to resort to social networking to take someone down.

You can have any comment you personally deem unfavourable “taken down” through what the Electronic Communications and Transactions Act of 2002 calls “take-down notifications”. More to the point, you can do this in bad faith, because the Act enables the enforcement of “take-down notices” regardless of the merits of a case.

The Act notes that “wrongful” take-downs, based on a material “misrepresenting of the facts”, render a ­complainant liable for damages.


This means, however, that a form of censorship against websites is enabled and then the censored website must fight the matter out in court after being “taken down”.

I know all this because two take-downs happened to, the literary website I founded at Stellenbosch University as part of the Stellenbosch literary project.

I felt compelled, because principles of academic freedom and free speech were at stake, to do some urgent research into this unimaginable legislative enabling of censorship in the digital sphere. Here is how it works.

The Act indemnifies internet service providers who are members of the Internet Service Providers’ Association from damages for libel, provided they take down the contested (or detested) website content after a “take-down notification” has been set in motion in the correct manner with the association.

This process rarely includes any adjudication or arbitration. The association’s regulatory adviser, Dominic Cull, confirmed it in an interview this week.

Such a conduit for what is in effect the enabling of “private” censorship is – according to several information communication technology experts I spoke to this week – the unintended effect of a poorly drafted piece of legislation.

Sanity check

All a complainant has to do, as per section 77 of the Act, is to lodge the take-down notice with the association correctly and then the association, after doing a “sanity check”, passes on the notice to its affiliate website service provider. It, in turn, passes on the take-down notice to the website concerned in a letter that, in our case, included the following sentence: “We are required to inform you of the take-down notice and request that you comply timeously, within four business days …”

If seeking legal opinion takes more than four days, the next email contains a blunter statement: “If you choose not to remove the content, [the internet service provider] would be obliged to take down your website to remain under the protection of the Act.”

The “protection of the Act” means indemnity from liability. The take-down procedure, mechanically applied, has a chilling effect on guarantees of free speech.

The “sanity checks” (the association’s term), which constitute the only act of discretionary assessment actually performed following the lodging of a notice, are merely routine checks – namely whether the material in question has already been taken down and the “technical” feasibility of taking content down.

A senior executive at Hetzner, Slipnet’s internet service provider, told me that legal experts in the electronic communications and transactions sector had been lobbying the government for years to have the Act changed. Dario Milo, a legal expert in the information communication technology field, said South Africa “should consider United States-type immunity for internet intermediaries”.

Cull said: “The association’s take-down notice procedure is dictated by the provisions of the Act – non-compliance with these provisions raises substantial liability risks for internet service providers in terms of the content which they carry or host.

“The association has lobbied for and supports a more nuanced approach to take-down, which better balances the rights of the parties involved by allowing for a ‘put-back’ mechanism. It is, however, up to each member to decide on the level of risk they wish to take on in dealing with take-down notices.”

Leon de Kock is professor of English at Stellenbosch University and the author of several books, including Bad Sex (Umuzi).

Source – MyBroadbandSouth African websites under threat

How the government spies on you

South Africa’s intelligence agencies are routinely accessing citizens’ private SMS, phone and email conversations … illegally.

The turmoil in the leadership of the State Security Agency has again cast a baleful light on the role and reach of the secret apparatus available to the government.

The reasons alleged for the departure of National Intelligence Agency director Gibson Njenje underline persistent concerns about the abuse of covert power: Njenje refused to stop spying on some of the president’s friends—the controversial Guptas—and refused to start spying on some of his political enemies.

The role of surveillance in our politics recently is undeniable. Jacob Zuma would probably not be president if someone in crime intelligence had not leaked recordings of former Scorpions boss Leonard McCarthy to Zuma’s lawyer.

This week, as part of an occasional series on the Secret State, we explain the architecture of South Africa’s spy agencies and take a closer look at the use and abuse of state surveillance.

State intelligence agencies can—and do—access citizens’ private communications illegally. The Mail & Guardian has been told by well-placed sources that it is a common occurrence, especially in police crime intelligence (see “A police case in point” below).

The M&G‘s informants included two former police crime intelligence agents and a former military intelligence operative.

A fourth source, who works for a state department, described how he used a contact at police crime intelligence to obtain detailed information of an individual’s movements in and out of the country over seven months.

The source alleged that that it took crime intelligence less than 36 hours to source the information—without a judge’s permission.

Yet another source, a former police detective, claimed to have acquired cellphone billing and ownership records through crime intelligence on numerous occasions without a judge’s knowledge or approval, mainly to speed up investigations.

A sixth source asserted that she had obtained text messages and cellphone billing records that she needed for personal reasons through a contact at crime intelligence—again illegally.

No one is exempt from the South African government’s all-seeing eye. It has the capacity to see your text messages, hear your cellphone conversations, pinpoint your location through your cellphone, access your personal cellular and land-line telephone records and read your emails.

Parliament’s joint standing committee on intelligence revealed in its 2009/2010 report that, over a four-year period until the end of March last year, one of the state’s eavesdropping centre had legally carried out three million interceptions—phone calls, text messages or emails.

Two specific laws provide for legal interceptions for reasons of security and crime prevention.


The Regulation of Interception of Communications and Provision of Communication-related Information Act 70 of 2002 (Rica), which came into effect in 2005, makes it illegal for any authority to intercept communication without the permission of a judge designated to rule specifically on all interception applications in South Africa.

The normal legal route for authorities to access private communication can be tedious and time consuming: a law enforcement agency such as the police has to accumulate enough evidence to convince the designated judge that tapping or bugging is necessary to address crime, protect public health and safety, or ensure national security.

When the judge is satisfied that an interception is justified, he or she issues what is legally known as an “interception direction”.

With this direction in hand, law enforcement goes to the cellphone, telephone or internet service provider, which must comply with the judge’s orders and is legally bound not to inform a customer of the impending eavesdropping.

Criminal Procedures Act

Another way of accessing information related to communication is provided for in section 205 of the Criminal Procedures Act 51 of 1977, which allows a law enforcement agency to apply to a high court judge, a regional court magistrate or a magistrate to grant access to cellphone records, telephone records or information about billing and ownership of a cellphone.

It also provides for a person’s whereabouts to be tracked through his or her cellphone. This information has to be provided by a telecommunications service provider, which cannot legally release such privileged customer information without being ordered to do so under section 205.

According to the latest report of the Rica judge, retired Judge Joshua Khumalo, there were 419 interception applications between April 2009 and March, of which 34 were refused. The majority, 325, came from the police, with the rest coming from the National Intelligence Agency.

Khumalo commented that, given the vast extent of electronic communication taking place, the number was not excessive. However, the relatively modest number of directions may mask a much larger eavesdropping footprint.

Complaints are also rare. Any member of the public can complain to the inspector general of intelligence if they suspect that the state is illegally intercepting their information.

According to the office of the inspector general of intelligence, only two complaints about surveillance were received during 2010 and four so far this year. Neither of the individuals who complained in 2010 were actually under surveillance, the inspector general claimed.

Included in this year’s batch, the M&G understands, was a complaint by Sunday Times journalists Stephen Hofstatter and Mzilikazi wa Afrika. The inspector general found that Hofstatter was not bugged, but Wa Afrika was indeed—“pursuant to a judge’s direction”.

From the legal to the illegal

Despite strict legislative provisions, those working in state intelligence agencies can access private communication at any time through bypassing the legal system. And you are unlikely to know about it, unless someone in an agency informs you.

This is possible, sources say, because of the huge number of interceptions that take place, the advanced technology involved and the lack of oversight in intelligence agencies.

Where it all happens

The office for interception centres in Sandton houses the technology and expertise that enable the state to scrutinise ordinary citizen’s private lives. In particular, cellphone and telephone conversations, text messages and data—emails and internet website addresses—are intercepted using these facilities, all supposedly within the bounds of Rica.

Established in terms of Rica, the office serves all the state’s intelligence agencies and the National Prosecuting Authority. State intelligence agencies include the former National Intelligence Agency, now the domestic branch of the State Security Agency, and the former South Africa Secret Service, now the foreign branch, and the police and military crime intelligence divisions.

One source, who asked to remain anonymous, said that the sheer number of interceptions made it difficult for the designated judge to closely scrutinise them.

“Hundreds of cellphones are being monitored. How will the judge know if any of them are monitored illegally, unless an investigation is done into every single monitored phone?”

The source said that, although a careful record was kept of all cellphones monitored by intelligence agencies via the office, it was difficult for an inspecting authority to detect illegal interceptions.

He said because of the advanced technology, one was unlikely to hear a click, hum or echo on a cellphone if someone was eavesdropping.

“You’re not going to know if they’re listening to you. Many people say there’s a click or an echo, but today’s technology doesn’t allow for that type of detection,” said the source.

In fact, the cellphone operators are obliged to make provision for a live feed via the office, making cellphone interception easy.

Even if you have it on good authority that a state intelligence agency is illegally intercepting your communications, it would be very hard to prove.

“They know how to cover their tracks,” explained another source. “There’s no way of proving that the interception was illegal.”

Finessing the legal route

One way for law enforcement officers to listen in on the sly and make it appear legal is to falsify affidavits and evidence placed before the Rica judge. But this still leaves a paper trail that can be investigated and does not eliminate the long wait for a legal interception direction.

Sources said the quick and dirty method of intercepting illegally was to sneak a peek while no one was looking. Certain state surveillance projects run for years and involve intercepting the communication of a number of individuals.

So, if an agent wants to take a closer look at an individual but lacks the evidence required for a direction, the target is subsumed under an existing long-term surveillance project.

Under the pretence of suspecting the individual of being associated with the villains already under surveillance through the project, his or her communications are intercepted.

There is no specific direction, no case number and no paper trail marking the interception—and no judge has knowledge of the individual’s case.

Meanwhile, the investigating officer claims to be gathering evidence and assembling a case to present to the judge to legalise the interception.

Later it emerges that the targeted individual was not involved in the suspected malfeasance. The surveillance is dropped and he or she is forgotten—except that an embittered, soon-to-be ex-spouse knows what is in the individual’s bank account and what he or she has said on the phone to a divorce lawyer.

The intelligence sources said that one reason for illegal interception was to speed up investigations—the legal route takes time and wanting to bug a suspect based on a hunch would not convince the judge to issue a direction.

There is also a flow of information between state intelligence agencies and private investigators. If a private eye knows someone inside state intelligence, he or she can gain access to communications and phone records through that contact. And the deal can work both ways.


Another way in which the state can intercept communication illegally is by outsourcing to a private entity informally so that deniability is maintained. A private investigator obtains the information and passes it back to the state agency involved.

Private investigators can obtain such information by paying contacts at banks and telecommunications service providers. They can also intercept communication by bugging rooms—without obtaining entry warrants.

A bug is a hidden device that transmits conversations and other sounds. It can be a transmitter, sending signals to a recipient nearby, or can be based on cellphone technology. A bug can be located in a room in Cape Town while the eavesdropper dials in from London and listens to conversations in real time.

No permission required

The National Communications Centre houses interception facilities that provide for the bulk monitoring of telecommunications, including conversations, emails, text messages and data, by state agencies.

In bulk interception all signals, regardless of who sends them, are intercepted, and thousands of signals can be intercepted simultaneously. These are then analysed to find intelligence relevant to security issues by using methods such as voice and word recognition technology.

However, intelligence sources said the centre’s facilities were open to abuse and could be used to target individual numbers.

In 2005 an investigation of the then-National Intelligence Agency’s use of the centre found that bulk interception facilities had been used illegally to intercept conversations of private citizens in South Africa.

Because the centre targets “foreign signals intelligence”, this is interpreted as falling outside Rica and no judge’s direction is required. But the centre’s remit includes any foreign communication that “emanates from outside the borders of the republic, or passes through or ends in the republic”.

This leaves an obvious loophole for the interception of the communication of South African citizens. At the moment there is no legislation governing the centre. This means that you can be bugged completely outside of the law, and without a judge’s direction, if your communications involve a party in another country.

This week the South African Police Service vehemently denied involvement in illegal interceptions.

“The allegations made to the media are denied with the contempt it deserves. Interception is regulated by the Rica Act. The process is such that no illegal interception can occur due to the various ‘fail safes’ built in and is subject to full compliance audits and inspections by the office of the inspector general of intelligence.

“Any person with information or a perception that his or her communications are subject to ‘illegal interception’ by the SAPS is encouraged to lay a complaint with the office of the inspector general of intelligence, who is the competent authority to investigate such matters.”

The inspector general’s office said: “All complaints alleging illegal interceptions were fully investigated. In none of the complaints received did we find any unlawful interceptions.”

The State Security Agency had not commented at the time of going to print.

A police case in point

Deon Loots is an former police officer. Dressed in shorts, running shoes and a T-shirt, he is the guy next door. It is a look he has spent years perfecting as a former undercover officer for the police’s crime intelligence division, which he left in 2001.

Loots agreed to meet with the M&G to discuss his experience of illegal interception. He claims to have experienced both sides of this double-edged sword—intercepting others’ communications and having his own privacy violated through the abuse of state facilities.

After leaving the police, he said, he maintained close ties with former colleagues at crime intelligence headquarters in Prieska Street, Erasmuskloof, in Pretoria.

The links were useful for his work as a private investigator. Loots claimed that he could approach a contact at this office at any time and request information about, or the communication of, whoever he was investigating. Such information was usually obtained illegally through state facilities, he said.

But things went sour. Loots claimed that, after a personal dispute, his contact had used the crime intelligence division’s facilities to intercept his cellphone communication and access his bank accounts to sabotage his business and financial endeavours.

He said he knew this because his former contact knew intimate details of his financial and legal affairs that he had not shared with her and which she could only have learned through state facilities.

But there is another reason why Loots was certain that his communication was being intercepted. As a former member of the intelligence community, he said, he was well aware that illegal interception was an everyday occurrence.

Loots said that he had complained to the police and its crime intelligence division without any result. He had also filed a complaint with the inspector general of intelligence, Faith Radebe, from whom he was awaiting a response.

At the time of going to print, Radebe’s office had not confirmed receiving Loots’s complaint.

Source – M&GSecret state: How the government spies on you

Genocide of the South African European Minority

Source – YouTubeGenocide of the South African European Minority

Zuma unwilling to cooperate with democrats

The crisis in South Africa is deepening – President of South Africa Jacob Zuma has turned down a request by Democratic Alliance leader Helen Zille to publicly debate with her on the state of the economy: “The presidency sees no need to engage in any exercise that diverts attention from getting stakeholders to work together,” presidential spokesman Mac Maharaj said in a statement.

“All South Africans are presently deeply concerned about the state of our country, and particularly our economy,” said Helen Zille in a statement. She said Zuma had not proved himself worthy of leading the country in the wake of escalating labor protests and the downgrading of the country’s credit rating.

The continuing economic and criminal nightmare in SA makes the former mayor of Cape Town Helen Zille increasingly attractive for many voters in the country. Zille is a former anti-apartheid activist. She has worked in all three tiers of government—as the Western Cape province’s education MEC (1999–2004), as a Member of Parliament (2004–2006), as Mayor of Cape Town (2006–2009), and as Premier of the Western Cape (2009–present).

Zille’s work as mayor, and in particular her successes in tackling crime, drug abuse and unemployment in Cape Town, led to her selection as World Mayor of the Year in 2008 – from a field of 820 candidates. Despite her anti-apartheid activism in the past, Helen Zille has quickly realized where the whole country is going. Keeping alive the rhetoric of post-apartheid politcorrectness, she managed to create in Cape Town an asylum for the whites. Her tough measures against the racially motivated crime made her very popular among the Afrikaners and English-speaking whites. Especially in Cape Town, and not so much in the rest of the country.

The crisis in South Africa is deepening – The refusal to debate Helen Zille puts the performing president Zuma into especially vulnerable situation when his party will have to choose soon a candidate for the 2014 elections.

Factions and individuals who might oppose President Jacob Zuma for a second term as leader at the ANC are waiting for a national elective conference in Mangaung in December. Those who accepted nominations to rival Zuma, including Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, are tired with the failures of their government to improve anything in the collapsing country. They were not enraged in the past by their president behavior which led to the rape accusations. They felt comfortable with his chanting in public “Kill the Boer!” But last crisis around the strikes and massive violent demonstrations can cause changes in the mood inside the ANC.

This dissatisfaction with the current regime hits the news and editorial columns in the West. This is what black leadership is afraid of the most. We read in the current issue of the liberal Canadian Vancouver Sun: “The ANC has become a deeply corrupt party of cronyism and patronage. Indeed, holding ANC positions in governments at all levels has become such a sure route to wealth that aspirants will murder to get them. Last week, Reuters news agency reported that an internal ANC report states that in KwaZulu Natal — the largest of South Africa’s nine provinces and the home base of President Jacob Zuma — 38 party members have been murdered since February last year in fights for lucrative positions”.

The press in the West keeps silence about the continuing murder of the whites on racial basis, but other aspects of the regime are becoming known as we see. This is weakening the position of Jacob Zuma in December.

The leader of PRAAG Afrikaner human rights movement dr. Dan Roodt had commented on the current situation: “There is no solution in the current framework. Only a creation of national state for the Afrikaners and their natural allies in the country can put an end to the current bloodshed. We are just demanding a part of the land in order to live in peace and security”.

By Avigdor Eskin

Source – THE VOICE OF RUSSIAThe crisis in South Africa is deepening, Zuma unwilling to cooperate with democrats

Die waarde van ‘n plaasboer

Daar was ‘n boer wat mielies gekweek het. Elke jaar het hy sy mielies ingeskryf by die landbou skou en soos klokslag wen hy die blou roset vir die beste mielies in die distrik.

Een jaar het die joernalis van die plaaslike dagblad ‘n onderhoud met hom gevoer en iets baie interessants geleer rondom die boer se manier van mielie verbouing. Die verslaggewer het te wete gekom dat die boer sy aanplantings saad deel met sy bure.

“Hoe kan jy dit bekostig om jou mielie saad te deel met jou bure terwyl hulle ook elke jaar inskryf vir die beste mielie kompetisie?” vra die verslaggewer aan die boer.

“Maar meneer,” sê die boer “het jy nie geweet? Die wind tel stuifmeel op van die ryp wordende mielie koppe en waai dit van saailand na saailand. Indien my bure minderwaardige gehalte mielies verbou sal kruisbestuiwing stadig maar seker die kwaliteit van my mielies nadelig beïnvloed. Indien ek goeie mielies wil hê moet ek my bure help sodat hulle ook goeie mielies verbou.”

Die boer was terdeë bewus van die mens se interafhanklikheid van mekaar. Sy mielies kan nie verbeter tensy sy bure se mielies nie ook verbeter nie.

So is dit ook gesteld met ons lewens. Die wat in vrede wil lewe moet ook hul bure help om in vrede te lewe. Die wat gelukkig wil wees moet ook ander om hulle help om geluk te vind aangesien die welstand van elke een verbind is aan die welstand van almal.

Dit is moontlik om weg te gee en steeds ryker te word! Dit is ook moontlik om te styf vas te hou en alles te verloor. Ja, die vrygewige man sal ryk wees! Deurdat hy aan ander water gee, les hy ook sy eie dors.

Mag Jesus elke plaasboer ryklik seën en Sy beskermende Hand oor elkeen hou.

ANC struggle now a deadly scramble for spoils

WELBEDACHT, South Africa (Reuters) – Mthembeni Shezi, an ANC local councillor in the run-down suburb of Welbedacht on South Africa’s east coast, was wrapping up a routine meeting last month when two men barged in, sprayed the room with gunfire and shot him five times in the chest.

“It was like a movie. The men just shot indiscriminately. It was scary. Everyone panicked. We hit the floor. I didn’t think I would come out of there alive,” said one woman present, who remains too frightened to reveal her name.

“The gunmen seemed to know who they wanted.”

Far from being a movie, the hit represents the bloody reality of local politics for some in the African National Congress, and shows how far Nelson Mandela’s 100-year-old liberation movement has strayed from the moral high ground it occupied when it came to power 18 years ago.

Rare since the advent of democracy in 1994, political murders within the ruling party have soared in the last 18 months, with local officials turning on each other in a dog-eat-dog scramble for the spoils of power.

President Jacob Zuma, who came to office in 2009, has pledged to crack down on corruption, but watchdog Transparency International suggests South Africa is sliding down the ranks, from 38th in the world in 2001 to 64th in 2011.

As the level of corruption has risen, so has the carnage at the party’s grass roots.

In Zuma’s home province of KwaZulu Natal, 38 ANC members have been killed since February 2011, according to an internal party investigation. By comparison, the previous three years saw only just over 10 politically linked murders in the region.

At the funeral of a prominent ANC official killed in a drive-by shooting in July, Zuma blamed the killings on “some forces of darkness … bent on dividing our movement”.

Even though Africa’s biggest economy has been struggling since a 2008/09 recession and the Treasury is trying to keep a lid on spending, local councils remain awash with cash ear-marked for roads, houses, water and electricity to redress the inequalities of decades of underspending under apartheid.

Exact reasons for the sharp rise in levels of corruption and the attendant killings are hard to pin down. But the sluggish recovery from the recession means there are fewer money-making options elsewhere and it also seems that the word has got out that local officialdom is the way to riches.

There are also plenty of examples at the top of the ANC. Zuma was accused and never fully exonerated of receiving backhanders from a 1997 arms deal. Former ANC youth leader Julius Malema has been charged with money laundering.

According to his friends, the 38-year-old Shezi, who died of his wounds a day later in hospital, became a target because he was one of the few straight ones.

“People hated him because he was fighting corruption,” his fiancée, Buyi Tshabalala, told Reuters. “He was in constant fear that he would be killed.”

Others contend that Shezi’s lifestyle was too flashy for someone on a local councillor’s salary. Those who attended the meeting at which he was shot believe his killing resulted from a dispute related to his job.


Reuters has spoken to eight ANC officials in KwaZulu Natal, who said politicians and officials were dying in battles for council positions that give access to lucrative government contracts.

Such killings have been recorded in all of South Africa’s nine provinces – in July, for instance, the mayor of the northwest city of Rustenburg was convicted for ordering the murder of a rival councillor.

But Zuma’s back yard, historically the wild and untamed home of the Zulus, has been hit hardest.

In an episode typical of the violence in the province, an ANC branch chairman, Dumisani Malunga, was killed in August in a hit organised by a rival, Sifiso Khumalo.

“There was absolutely no justification for you to eliminate him by the barrel of a gun to prevent him from vying for the position as ward councillor,” the judge said in sentencing Khumalo to 22 years in jail for masterminding the killing.

With an ANC leadership race coming up in December, few expect Zuma to crack down for fear of alienating supporters and damaging his chances of re-election as head of the party and, by extension, securing a second term as national president in 2014.

“Having ANC membership is the best CV in town. The higher you go in the party, the more you can dish out patronage. It’s about taking care of yourself and those close to you,” said a member of the ANC’s National Executive Committee, its highest decision-making body.

“It’s no longer about the ANC slogan ‘A better life for all’. It’s now about a better life for some,” said the official, who asked not to be named. “People are reducing the ANC to their personal kitty and are prepared to kill to get their slice of the wealth.”

“FANCY 4×4”

Much of the problem lies with local government, with a staggering 95 percent of municipal administrations being unable to account for their receipts and spending, according to the Auditor General.

Many councillors – Shezi included – come from impoverished backgrounds and some are barely educated. For some, having control of hundreds of millions of rand a year with little oversight is too great a temptation.

“There are as many bad things to say about Shezi as there are good. People look at his lifestyle and ask: ‘How does a herd boy from Nkandla go from having absolutely nothing to a fancy 4X4 and several houses?'” an ANC official in nearby Durban said.

The ANC has spent billions of dollars fighting poverty since the birth of the “Rainbow Nation” in 1994, and has made enormous strides in providing electricity, running water and housing to the poor.

It has also seen enormous sums lost at the local level where checks are fewer and prosecutions rare for officials suspected of lining their pockets.

“People start to see that being a local councillor can be a means to acquire wealth,” the Durban official said.

As the corruption has soared, so too have the protests by blacks living in shanty towns around major cities with no power, running water or job prospects. From just a few dozen a year under former President Thabo Mbeki, they are now a daily occurrence.

The anger is unlikely to translate into a loss of power any time soon for the ANC, which continues to win support on the back of its role in ending apartheid. It was more than 40 percentage points ahead of its nearest rival in 2011 elections.

However, there is a risk of the greed and cynicism tearing the party apart and, at least in KwaZulu Natal, rendering the province ungovernable.

“If the situation is not controlled now, we run the risk of reverting to the early 1990s, when the province was wracked by political violence,” said Kwanele Ncale, a spokesman for the team investigating Shezi’s killing.

By Peroshni Govender

SourceIn S.Africa, ANC struggle now a deadly scramble for spoils

S African tells of Genocide in Communist South Africa

On Tuesday, October 2, 2012, the Fox Valley Conservative Forum, which meets regularly for a luncheon on Tuesdays in Appleton, Wisconsin, hosted a talk by South African Sonia Hruska. Hruska, who now lives in the United States, discussed the ongoing genocide against white people in her country under the largely communist-controlled ANC government of Jacob Zuma.

Born in Victoria, South Africa, to a nontraditional Afrikaner family, with a right-wing father and a left-wing mother, Hruska would go on to work in politics as a consultant in the presidential administration of Nelson Mandela from 1994 to 2001. “I was the coordinator between the different spheres of government, civil society and state organizations, to actually implement the new government policies,” Hruska said.

As an early supporter of Mandela and the dream of a rainbow South Africa, Hruska truly believed in establishing a country where, regardless of the color of one’s skin or ethnicity, one could live in harmony and equality. Unfortunately, as she described, the opposite came true.

“After about six years,” Hruska said, “I realized something serious is wrong; the communist elements are taking over, it’s not what we were promised.” She explained the change that followed:

Whites were getting excluded through affirmative action and black economic empowerment. And at the same time, the Chinese got black status; so the whites were excluded and the Chinese were included under affirmative action as black. We now find that a white is not allowed to enter, for instance, into management, but a Chinese person may buy a mine or buy shares in a mine, and the same [is true] with banks.

As a business owner, I can get 25 years in jail time if I do employ a white person, for instance. It is totally ridiculous; you cannot have imagined that affirmative action could have gone so far.

What began as a quest to end the white discriminatory policy of apartheid has transformed into a kind of “reverse racism,” where “whites are now totally excluded from the economic sector,” according to Hruska.

The newly empowered African National Congress (ANC) government has slowly curtailed the rights of whites, and now some black South Africans have gone as far as committing atrocious killings of whites to the point where the situation has been classified as “genocide” by Genocide Watch. Over the last decade, at least 3,000 white farmers have been murdered in South Africa.

A favorite song among the ruling ANC is “Dubula iBhunu,” which means, “kill the farmers.” Former ANC Youth League chief Julius Malema was caught singing, “Kill the Boers! The Racists!” Even South African President Jacob Zuma sings this song to kill the farmers at ANC party functions, despite the song being labeled “hate speech” by a South African court.

“‘Kill the Boer’ is a hate song. ‘Kill the Boer, kill the farmer,’ it’s actually instigating armed groups to carry out these attacks,” Hruska explained.

In a video shown at the Forum, a group of black South Africans were seen chanting:

Kill the Boers — our fathers.
Kill the Boers — young man.
Communist Party — victory.
Joe Slovo — our father.
Communist Party — victory.

Joe Slovo, who was born in Obeliai, Lithuania, was the General-Secretary of the South African Communist Party (SACP) from 1984 to 1991. Slovo also served as the president of the ANC. In 1994 he joined Mandela’s cabinet, serving as minister of housing until he died in 1995. The current leader of the SACP is Blade Nzimande, who also serves in President Zuma’s cabinet as the minister of higher education and training.

In fact, Jacob Zuma originally joined the SACP in 1963, before becoming the leader of the ANC and the current president of South Africa. “[The] ANC is actually communist — we never realized it,” Hruska said.

Even now, Zuma remains a strong supporter of the SACP and the international communist movement. From December 3-5, 2010, the 12th International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties was held in Tshwane, South Africa. President Zuma attended and delivered a speech. The Times of South Africa quoted Zuma urging a call for unity among the various official Communist parties in attendance: “A majority of communists part ways because once they believe in something they have a culture to believe in it seriously. Unity is crucial.”

Zuma’s call for Communist Party unity was well received and reechoed amongst the many foreign party delegates present. Following the conference, Zuma left for a visit to Cuba, where he met with Fidel and Raul Castro, the leaders of the Communist Party of Cuba.

The widespread violence and killings in South Africa have led many victims to lose everything and go into hiding, with some living in makeshift shanty dwellings or in the fields by rivers. Out of the nearly four million whites living in South Africa, nearly one million live in economic destitution.

Hruska described how in some cases, young white individuals, especially white females, because of their popularity, have been kidnapped and prostituted as sex slaves. Human trafficking is not illegal in South Africa and many young white teenage girls are drugged and sold for sex across the country.

The police do nothing about this; in fact, in some cases they are involved in the prostitution of those women. “Those who do escape,” Hruska explained, “go into hiding seeing as there is no government assistance for them and because they are too embarrassed to tell their family or friends.”

Although a majority of those murdered, nearly 80 percent, Hruska said, are seniors (over the age of 60), the killers do not discriminate against age. “It’s heinous torture,” Hruska explained. “Even children as young as two months old get burned with hot water, get wrapped in newspaper and burned.”

She continued, “There is no easy way of saying exactly how these people are tortured. The standard would be a hot iron, electric iron, boiling water … and these are carried out for hours.”

In the case of one family, Hruska detailed, the black mob broke into a home and waited for the white family to get home. When they arrived, they took them and raped the mother, in front of the father and son to see, and then once they killed her they killed the father, and finally the son by way of boiling water.

The government denies that such murders are occurring or that they are aimed at the white farmers. Instead they are reported as robberies despite nothing being stolen, Hruska explained. “The murders occur now at a rate of at least one per day,” she said.

After her talk, she stayed for an additional hour speaking to the people and answering questions. Her main message to the world, she told The New American, was, “Acknowledge it. Don’t deny it,” She realizes the difficulty in speaking about this unique situation, especially due to its racial dynamic and the politically-correct state of society.

“You cannot criticize Mandela or the ANC; they are sacred cows,” Hruska explained, but she still does because the truth needs to be told, regardless of how difficult it may be for some to hear or accept. Her main objective is not only to create greater awareness about the genocide but also to help find the victims of rape and economic destitution and provide them with the necessary post-traumatic support and assistance to help them cope with the trauma and either rejoin society, or leave the country if they so desire.

Sadly, much of this has gone unreported in the mainstream media and that which has made press headlines is often heavily sanitized. Hruska plans to continue doing her part to create further awareness and help victims. By the time the world and media acknowledge the atrocities it may be too late for some.

By Christian Gomez

SourceSouth African Tells of Genocide in Communist-dominated South Africa

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Genocide Watch warns Afrikaners to leave SA

We (Genocide Watch) are encouraging governments like Australia and the US to adopt liberal asylum policies for South African whites so they can leave South Africa.

Breaking News: Greg Stanton of Genocide Watch urges Afrikaners to flee SA!

Email from Dr Gregory Stanton Oct 6 2012 to Afrikaans campaigner/singer Sunette Bridges warns Afrikaners to flee:

To: Sunette Bridges
From: Greg Stanton

“As you know, Genocide Watch has already raised the Genocide Stage level for South Africa to Stage 6 because we now have evidence that the murders of Afrikaaner farmers and other whites is organized by racist communists determined to drive whites out of South Africa, nationalize farms and mines, and bring on all the horrors of a communist state. Marxism-Leninism is not yet the official ideology of the ANC government, as it is in ZANU-PF in Zimbabwe, but ANC policy will take a further step in that direction at the ANC national conference in December.

However, a two state solution to the racial problem in South Africa, while it might have been possible sixty years ago, is no longer possible. For Jews surrounded by anti-Jewish governments, the best solution was emigration. For Jews, the State of Israel was created by the UN. Many also emigrated to the United States and other countries. But the UN will never allow creation of a separate state for whites in South Africa. We (Genocide Watch) are encouraging governments like Australia and the US to adopt liberal asylum policies for South African whites so they can leave South Africa. It is a pity. Whites in South Africa have lived there for over 300 years, and have just as much right to stay there as African-Americans or white Americans have to stay in the US.

We fully recognize the crisis. Our hopes are that the ANC can be changed from within, or defeated in the next elections, or that the constitutional system in South Africa will prevent the ANC from imposing communism.

Best wishes,

Greg Stanton”

Source – VLUG! …seg Gregory Stanton van Genocide Watch!

By Sunnette Bridges

Video SourceYouTube

SourceGenocide Watch warns Afrikaners to leave SA

SA Crime Statistics – Inaccurate and understated

SA Crime Statistics – Inaccurate and understated. Here is proof – they are not interested in investigating it in the first place.

Video Source – YouTubeSA Crime Statistics – Inaccurate and understated

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